Helenostephanos. Humanist Greek in early modern Europe: scholarly communities between ancient and contemporary culture - VSIP.INFO (2023)

Morgensterni Seltsi bearbeitet 6–7 Acta Societatis Morgensternianae 6–7

Morgensterni Seltsi bearbeitet 6–7 Acta Societatis Morgensternianae 6–7

Helenostephans. Greek Humanists in Early Modern Europe Academic Communities Between Antiquity and Contemporary Culture

Edited by Janika Päll and Ivo Volt

The publication of this volume was supported by the Estonian Cultural Foundation and the Estonian Research Council (Project PUT 132).

ISSN 1736-1230 (print) ISSN 2613-5957 (pdf) ISBN 978-9949-77-758-7 (print) ISBN 978-9949-77-823-2 (pdf) Copyright: Morgenstern Gesellschaft and the authors, 2018 Morgenstern Department of Society Classics, University of Tartu Lossi 3, 51003 Tartu, Estonia Email:[Email protected]

University of Tartu Press www.tyk.ee

bow, Dorpatiians, before a stout scaly goat, of the late ecclesiastical archon, if one of men; it is a mistake, for you are a teller of many stories worshiping a sage. The earth, the gods of the pages, became Sfas from the beginning, you are corrected and are eternally worthy of the pure glory of wisdom. Listen, you who travel through Tartu, what I really announce as a singer, who came from outside to see the bear: The man who turns pale when one approaches him, boasting of books and knowledge, is mistaken, he flies low in the Honorable ground: A firm law, a god has set before us all his own amendment, his own purity, and what worthy deeds fill fame and wisdom: Only then does it sound well, "Call me not a barbarian!" Anonymus Hamburgensis

CONTENTS Foreword by the editors ............................................ ..... . ..................................................... .... .. ....

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I. The Transmission of Humanistic Greek: Regional Accounts of the Christian Hosts. Transalpine Greek humanism (Panononian area). A methodical approach ..................................................................... ...........................

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Gita Bērziņa. Humanistic Greek Texts from the 16th to 17th Century in the Academic Library of the University of Latvia ..... . .................................................................. ... ... ..

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Janika Pal. Humanistic Greek in Early Modern Estonia and Livonia: The Contexts and Main Genres ..... ... .......................

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II The spread of Greek: language, texts and theory Charalampos Minaoglou. Anastácio Miguel Macedo and his discourse on Hellenism ....................... 115 Erkki Sironen. “Dialectal” Variation in Prayers in Humanistic Greek Prose in the Great Kingdom of Sweden (1631–1721) .. .................. 130 Kaspar Kolk. Diffusion and survival of a printed book in seventeenth-century Tartu: the case of the Greco-Latin lexicon of Johannes Gezelius (1649) ................ 144 Tua Korhonen. Classical authors and pneumatological questions. Greek Dissertations Under the Supervision of Johannes Gezelius the Elder at the University of Tartu (Gustavian Academy, 1644–1647) .......................... 158 Johanna Akujärvi. Xenophon and Aesop for Swedish youth. On the first printed translations of ancient literature in Sweden ......... 185 Bartosz Awianowicz. Between Hermogenes, Cicero, and Quintilian: Georg von Trebizond's Latinization of Greek Rhetorical Terms in Relation to Stylistic Ideas

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III. Gregorian humanistic na e for poetry Jean-Marie Flamand. The Preliminary Greek Epistles of the French Hellenist Jean Cheradame in his Edition of Aristophanes (Paris, 1528) ..................... 231 Walther Ludwig. The Greco-German poet Laurentius Rodoman ...................... 249 Alessandra Lukinovich. Florent Chrestien is painted under Henri Estienne's houlette. A Psalm of the Mountains in Greek verse (Hebrew Ps. 127) in the version published in 1566 and in an autograph ..... 260 Martin Steinrueck. Springlese: an acrostic form in Propertius and Philelpho .................. 299 Martin Steinrück. Metrical "Errors" in Angelo Poliziano's Gregorian Epigrams ........... 318 Thomas Veteikis. Imitation of Carmina Moralia, by St. Gregory Nazianzeno, in Lithuanian Greek poetry of the sixteenth century ..... ................ 336IV. Humanistic Gregorian Texts Grigory Vorobyev. A New Epigram by Matthew Devaris. .... 379 Vlado Prayer. Greek verses by Damianus Benessa ....................................... ... . ................... 391 Pieta van Beek. Ὣς ῥόδον ἐν ἀκάνθαις– "Like a Rose Among the Thorns": Anna Maria van Schurman and Her Correspondence in Greek ............. 414 Antoine Haaker. An unpublished Greek letter from Ismaël Bullialdus to Anna Maria van Schurman .. ................................... 438 About the authors . . . . . . . . ....................................... .. . ...... ......................... 448 Index of pessoas .............. . . . . . ................................................ ................. 451

EDITORS' PREFACE I. Humanistic Greek: The Language of Passion Most of this volume is based on papers presented at the conference “Humanistic Greek in Early Modern Europe. Learned Communities Between Antiquity and Contemporary Culture”, which took place in May 2014 as part of Janika Päll's research project PUT132 “Humanist Greek in Early Modern Estonia and Livonia: A Bridge to Modern and Ancient European Culture” at the Library from the University of Tartu. , held at the University Library of Tartu in 2013-2016 and funded by the Estonian Research Council. Although publication of the proceedings has been delayed, more attention is now being given to research on humanistic Greek. Suffice it to mention another inspiring conference on the theme "New Ancient Greek" in Wuppertal in 2015, organized by Stefan Weise1 and the new Helleno-Nordica project led by Johanna Akujärvi (http://projekt.ht.lu .se/helleno -nordica/ ), with subprojects in Helsinki and Tartu. The title of this volume contains the term "Humanistic Greek" which, since the 1970s, has overlapped with the use of Ancient Greek by Western authors from the Renaissance to the early modern period, as well as by neohumanists of the 19th century. 21.2 centuries "Humanistic Greek", dealing with many different areas. Examining the relationship between the use of various forms of Ancient Greek as a foreign language by Western scholars and the use of various versions of Ancient Greek, Byzantine, or vernacular Greek as a mother tongue by Greeks themselves is linked to problems of diglossia from Byzantine down to modern times. and may change our approach to this field of research in the future, including the terminology we use

1

Cf. Weise 2017. Cf. Weiss 1977 (posthumous title corresponding to one of the central themes of his articles), Harlfinger 1989, Korhonen 2004, Ludwig 1998: 79 (emphasizing the humanistic approach), as well as Walther Ludwig's articles in the current volume and his numerous other posts in this area . 3 See Christidis 2007. 2

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the study and practice of ancient Greek by Renaissance humanists and Byzantine scholars, but time constraints do not allow us to use it for discussion of the period after 1600.4 For periodization purposes, "New Ancient Greek"5 or "Ancient Greek after 1453" ('(ancient Greek after 1453') has been proposed in German; although the term is not yet generally established in library catalogs for language classification for ancient Greek texts from the Renaissance and (early) modern times to the present day, we hope it becomes more common in metadata and drives researchers to such texts.6 The sobriety and technical nature of metadata language classification, however, obfuscates some essential features of this phenomenon of ancient linguistic practice. humanistic Greek" becomes useful. the renaissance of ancient Greek in Europe was fueled by education and humanistic ideas to such an extent that Ate encouraged us to consider the renaissance Greek as a defining element of humanist culture.7 The Greek poetry of humanists (at least the higher genres, such as the epic and the Pindaric odes) reached an astonishing level in the second half of the sixteenth century.8 The importance of Greek for humanists , along with its increasingly instrumental use in theology, led to the introduction of the Graecum as a compulsory subject in the later grades of trivia schools and in colleges such as secondary schools and universities. This expansion of study also had its downside: numerous student exercises that reek of the sweat and tears of more or less conscientious students, and occasional texts that mechanically follow established patterns and still provide valuable material for the history of education. However, there are many fascinating poems that are almost entirely unknown, and even the students' writings reflect the culture of their teachers, who were nurtured by the spirit of humanism. The old collective bibliographies and collections of texts, for example by Fabricius, Plantin, Fant or Legrand, are still extreme

4

For the “Defining Renaissance Greek” roundtable at the RSA Berlin conference, chaired by Luigi-Alberto Sanchi, see: https://c.ymcdn.com/sites/www.rsa.org/resource/resmgr/2015_Berlin/pdf_of_the_final_program .pdf . 5 Cf. Weise 2017. 6 “Ancient Greek before 1453” remains the preferred language classification for all texts written in ancient or archaic Greek (from Homer to Renaissance authors to the 21st century), as opposed to texts in colloquial language ("Greek modern" or "Greek after 1453"). 7 On the role of Greek in the spread of humanist culture, see Saladino 2013 and notes 1 and 2 above and notes 9 and 19 of Janika Päll's article in this volume. 8 See Weise 2017 and Päll 2017 and 2018.

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valuable as a source of such poetry, but new and modern anthologies are most welcome.9 One of the defining characteristics of humanist culture is its great passion for learning and practicing languages, particularly ancient Greek, which influenced educated men from Francesco Filelfo and Angelo Poliziano , through Lorenz Rhodoman, Matthäus Gothus, Nicodemus Frischlin, Erasmus Schmidt and Johann Gottfried Herrichen, to 19th century scholars such as Walter Headlam and Richard Jebb. (Masculine pronouns and "man" were used here for generalizations; Olympia Fulvia Morata, Anna van Schurman, and Clotilde Tambroni were clear exceptions to the norm of their time.) One of his most notable achievements was the Greek humanistic epic Palaestina in more than 4000 hexametric lines, born, in the words of its author Lorenz Rhodoman, ex singulari quodam amore et studio. ἀρετή) possesses that Knowledge of the liberal arts, which is inseparable from the knowledge of different languages. In the words of Augsburg Humanist David Höschel: μὴ μόνον πανωφελὲς καὶ χρήσιμον: ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ ἐντολῆς, καὶ εἰς τὸν καλὸν βίον, σεμνὸν καὶ ἥσυχον διαφυλάξαι, ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι τὸ τὴν νεότητα ἐν ἐλευθερίοις μαθήμασι τρέφεσθαι. Πᾶσαν δὲ ἀγωγήν, πρός τὴν εὐσέβειαν, καὶ ὴαλν καλοκίγαθαν, καὶ τὴν τεχνῶν καὶν τῥ τῥ τ. [...] is not only extremely advantageous and useful, but also according to God's command; and to lead a beautiful, honorable, and peaceful life, it is necessary to educate the youth in the liberal arts. All education must be directed towards piety, generosity, art and the knowledge of languages. Hoeschelius 1577: B3r.

In addition to Latin, the silent standard language, the humanist must master and use Greek because he is, cannot and will not be a barbarian: βάρβαρος οὐ πέλομαι, as Julius Caesar Scaliger states in his verses. Therefore, the conference and exhibition of humanistic Greek prints in the library of the University of Tartu was dedicated to the passion for Greek, which is so important for achieving a beautiful life.11 9

Like the Euroclassica and Hellenizing Muse anthologies, which are being prepared as I write this introduction. 10 Cf. Ludwig in this volume and on the importance of languages ​​Helmrath 2013: 22-26. 11 See Scaliger in the exhibition catalogue, Päll, Valper 2014: 4.

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II. Tartu Conference and its Proceedings For various reasons, we were unable to publish all the papers presented at the Tartu Conference 2014. For these contributions, we refer our readers to the program of conferences and abstracts12 and other publications by their authors. These include the introduction to the collection and transcription of Greek manuscripts and the beginnings of the entire tradition by Dieter Harlfinger, as well as reviews of research on regional corpora that reflect ongoing work, such as the research work on Greek printing in 17th-century Alsace. XVI by Elodie Cuissard and Sandrine de Raguenel (on the role of Ottmar Nachtgall in Strasbourg) and Hélène George Nobelis (on Greek writing and printing practices in Strasbourg) or the study of humanistic Greek in Poland by Gosciwit Malinowski. The scope of Greek research has been illustrated in an overview of the most important insights into the printing of Greek authors in Sweden in an essay by Per Rålamb and the role of Rostock professor Johann Posselius d familiaria) by Antoine Haaker, the award-winning works in Greek by Tartu students in the 19th century by Katre Kaju and the reception of Nonnus's paraphrase of the Gospel of John in the treatise by Gianfranco Agosti. At the same time, we were fortunate to include some articles that were not presented as papers at the original conference. Thus, the present volume and the conference remain complementary to each other. We hope to have managed to show, at least in part, the paths taken by the Greek humanist, including its support system, the development of classical scholarship and the study of Greek and Christian classical authors. The first part of the volume contains three general articles about different regions. The contribution of ChristianHost, Transalpine Greek Humanism (Panonian region). A Methodical Approach, presents a description of the early stages of the transmission of Greek in Pannonia and shows the tasks and challenges for those studying the discipline. Most of the development and spread of Greek humanism in Central Europe is presented in this volume through case studies that provide additional information on existing overviews of different regions. The study of (probably minor) regional corpora is presented in review articles by Gita Bērziņa, Greek Humanist Texts from the 16th to 17th Centuries at the Academic Library of the University of Latvia, and Janika Päll, Greek Humanist in Modern Estonia and Livonia: Die Contexts and main genres.

12

Available at http://hdl.handle.net/10062/46935.

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The second part of the volume is devoted to various aspects of the spread of Greek, from linguistics and literary studies to translation and the influence of ancient Greek on rhetorical theory and practice in the early modern period. Charalampos Minaoglou's essay, Anastasius Michael Macedo and his Speech on Helenism discusses various controversies over the status of Greek at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries, while Erkki Sironen's essay "Dialectal" Variation in Humanist Greek Prosa Orations in the Great Empire of Sweden (1631-1721), focuses on the language itself and discusses various features of ancient Greek dialects in Greater Swedish Humanistic Greek. Kaspar Kolk's article, Dissemination and Survival of a Book Printed in 17th-century Tartu: The Case of Johannes Gezelius' Lexicon Graeco-Latinum (1649), examines the background to the influence of the Greek lexicon by one of the most important scholars of humanistic Greece Great Sweden. The same scholar, Johannes Gezelius d Pneumatological Questions. Greek dissertations supervised by Johannes Gezelius the Elder at the University of Tartu (Gustavian Academy, 1644–1647). The transition from Greek tradition to Latin and colloquialism is the focus of Johanna Akujärvi's article, Xenophon and Aesop for Swedish youth. On the first printed translations of ancient literature in Sweden, which examines the making of the first Swedish translations of ancient Greek authors, the story of Hercules at the crossroads, and Aesop's fables. Another Greek scholar is examined by Bartosz Awianowicz in his essay Between Hermogenes, Cicero and Quintilian: George of Trebizond's Latinization of Greek Rhetorical Terms Related to Ideas of Style, which again revisits the importance of Latin for the study of humanistic and Byzantine Greeks and tradition. greek. revealed. The case studies in Part III of the volume reveal various functions of humanistic Greek practice, from prefaces in editions by ancient Greek authors to various genres of poetry and poetic devices. The Greek prefaces of Jean Cheradame, French scholar and editor of Aristophanes, are examined in Jean-Marie Flamand's essay, Les épîtres grecques préliminaires de l'helléniste français Jean Cheradame dans son édition d'Aristophane (Paris, 1528). The high point of the German tradition in the second half of the sixteenth century can be seen in the works of Laurentius Rhodoman, whose (auto)biography is presented in Walther Ludwig's article, The German Greek Poet Laurentios Rodoman. Though important in humanist education, we know Rhodoman as an extraordinarily gifted and prolific Greek humanist poet. Another important Protestant poet, Florent Chrestien and his Pindaric psalm

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Paraphrase is the focus of Alessandra Lukinovich's article, Florent Chrestien pindarise sous la houlette d'Henri Estienne. Un psaume des mountées en vers grecs (Ps. 127 Hebrew) ​​​​in the published version of 1566 and in autograph. Literary devices in the Greek poetry of the Italian humanists are examined in two essays by Martin Steinrück, Springlesen: an acrostic form in Propertius and Filelfo devoted to the antecedents and examples of this very popular form device, and metrical "Errors" in the Greek epigrams of Angelo Poliziano , which provides an analysis of Polizian's use of Greek meters and reminds us that any departure from Greek tradition need not be an error. Tomas Veteikis's essay, Imitation of the Carmina Moralia of St. Gregory of Nazianzus in the Greek Poetry of 16th-Century Lithuania, analyzes the influence of the poetry of St. Gregory of Nazianzus on a corpus of Greek dedicatory poetry. The last quarter of the volume is devoted to editions of some humanistic Greek texts. In his essay A New Epigram of Matthew Devaris, Grigory Vorobyev edited a hitherto unknown epigram by the 16th-century Italian poet Matthew Devaris from a manuscript in St. Petersburg. The beginning of Greek poetry across the Adriatic, in Ragusa, is discussed in Vlado Rezar's contribution, accompanied by his edition of Greek poetry by the humanist Damianus Benessa: Greek verses by Damianus Benessa. In her article Ὣς ῥόδον ἐν ἀκάνθαις – “Like a Rose Amongst Thorns”: Anna Maria van Schurman and Her Correspondence in Greek, Pieta van Beek edited, translated and commented on the letters of one of the few female Greek humanist authors, Anna Maria van Schurman and Antoine Haaker, An Unpublished Greek Letter of Ismaël Bullialdus to Anna Maria van Schurman, added another piece to the image of their correspondence by editing Bullialdus' handwritten letter to van Schurman.

III. Acknowledgments First, we would like to thank our authors for their patience and understanding, availability and speed. The volume could not have been published without the financial support of the Research Council of Estonia (Project PUT132) and the Cultural Foundation of Estonia (Eesti Kultuurkapital) and was also supported by the University Library of Tartu. Our English editor, Raili Marling, has worked hard to improve the final versions of several articles. Thanks to Professor Dieter Harlfinger for providing us with a copy of the poem by Anonymus Hamburgensis printed at the beginning of this volume. We owe special thanks to libraries and museums

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who provided the illustrations, including the University of Latvia Academic Library (and Aija Taimiņa), Tallinn City Archives (and Indrek Hinrikus), Saxon State and University Library in Dresden, Museum of Estonian Literature, National Library of Sweden, Library of Uppsala University, Lund University Library, Linköping City Library (and Pia Letalick Rinaldi), Tartu University Library (and Malle Ermel), Austrian National Library, Bavarian State Library, Bibliothèque de Genève (and e- Rara.ch), Leyden University Library, Vilnius University Library, St. Petersburg Institute of History Archive, and Dubrovnik Franciscan Archive. Libraries are important places, of course, but without librarians they would just be large collections of books; It is librarians who allow us to continue studying the humanities and allow us to understand who we are and what made us who we are. Our deepest thanks go out to you and our fellow book lovers around the world. Janika Päll Ivo Volt

References Christidis, Anastasios-Phoibos (2007). A History of Ancient Greek: From Early Beginnings to Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Harlfinger, Dieter; Barm, Reinhard (ed.) (1989). Graecogermania. Greek Studies by German Humanists. The publishing activities of the Greeks in the Italian Renaissance (1469-1523). (Herzog August Library Exhibition Catalogs; 59.) Weinheim: VCH Verlagsges. in Comm. Helmrath, Johannes (2009). paths of humanism. (Late Middle Ages, Humanism, Reformation; 72.) Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Hoeschelius, David (1577). Oratio graeca de humani generis lapsu. Lauingen: Ulhard. Korhonen, Tua (2004). Ateena Auran rannoilla. Humanistikreikkaa Kuninkaallisesta Turun akatemiasta. Helsinki. Available online at http://ethesis.helsinki.fi/julkaisut/hum/klass/vk/korhonen2/ateenaau.pdf. Ludwig, Walther (1998). Greece in Germany. Presentation of Greek studies in German-speaking countries of the 16th and 17th centuries. Hamburg: Joachim Jungius Society of Sciences (by order of the publisher Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen). Pall, Janika (2017). ‘The transfer of the Greek Pindaric ode from Italy to the northern shores: from Robortello to Vogelmann and beyond. – Weise, Stephan (ed.), Hellenisti! Ancient Greek as a Literary Language in Modern Europe. (Palingenesia; 107.) Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 349–368. Pall, Janika (2018). 'Greek Pindaric Odes in the UK.'- Volt, Ivo; Päll, Janika (eds.), Hortus Floridus. (Acta Societatis Morgensternianae; 8–9.) Tartu: University of Tartu Press (in press).

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Pall, Janika; Valper, Eve (2014). Βάρβαρος οὐ πέλομαι … “I am not a barbarian ….” Humanists in and about the Greek language. An exhibition dedicated to reflections of love for Ancient Greece in ancient prints from the University Library of Tartu: Catalogue. Tartu: University of Tartu Library. Available online at http://hdl.handle. net/10062/47903 Saladino, Jean-Christophe 2013. From the Battle of the Greeks to the Renaissance. Paris: The beautiful letters. Weise, Stephen (ed.) (2017). hellenistic! All Greek as a literary language in modern Europe. (Palingenesia; 107.) Stuttgart: Franz Steiner. White, Robert (1977). Medieval and humanistic Greek. Trials collected. (Medieval and Human; 8.) Padua: Antenore Publishers.

I The Transmission of Humanistic Greek: Regional Accounts

TRANSALPINE GREEK HUMANISM (PANONIC AREAS). A METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH1 Christian Host

Introduction This article is the result of a two-year project on Greek humanism in the Pannonian region (focus on Vienna and Slovakia) and a study of the use of Greek manuscripts from the famous Bibliotheca Corviniana among Viennese humanists in the 15th and 16th centuries. 2 From a detailed view of development We are still a long way off, but new material from libraries and archives and a revision of already known texts and statements lead us to an ever more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon that accompanied the introduction of humanism north of the Alps.3 Here are some observations from the project on the peculiarities of a "foreign" Greek humanism without Greeks and with a partly very moderate source base and limited access to the Greek language.4

1

This article forms part of the scientific and technical cooperation program (WTZ) between Austria and Slovakia, funded by the Austrian Federal Ministry of Science, Research and Economics (2013-2014) (Project SK 07/2013 - APVV SK-AT 0022 - 12: Ancient Greek cultural heritage in the central Danube region in the 15th and 16th centuries). See also Host 2017 on this topic.2 The results of this research focus are listed below in the bibliography under the name of the author of this article. 3 Key works on northern Greek studies are, in addition to some investigations into detailed issues, Harlfinger 1989, Hieronymus 1992. 4 Transalpine Greek humanism was decisively influenced in the course of the sixteenth century, at least by the dominant influence of Philipp Melanchthon, the intersectional thematic Reformation, a. O. when looking for new texts on church history or reading the original versions of the Bible and the Church Fathers. This aspect is not developed in this article; on this topic, see, for example, Ben-Tov 2009; on the rapprochement of the reformers with the Greek Patriarchate of Constantinople, organized by the first neo-Greek Martin Crusius in Tübingen, see Wolf 2009, Wendebourg 1986, Slenczka 1997 (2001), Benga 2006.

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Christian host

Since humanism in the Transalpines, and especially in Central and Eastern Europe, emerged later than in Italy and in slightly modified form, roughly speaking as an “ideal”, imported by students and eventually by invited Italian scholars, humanism Greek differs in this area from what we know about Italian Greek humanism and the approach of Italian scholars to Greek language and literature. In 1397 the first classes for students interested in Greek began in Florence, Italy; This was possible thanks to the invitation of a scholarly Greek imperial envoy, who taught there until the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos claimed him for the Byzantine agenda. Italian (and later also French) Greek humanisms are characterized by more or less close links with Greek scholars locally and in the current or former Byzantine Empire.5 The absence of a medieval Greek tradition in the West – contrary to the ideal of classical antiquity with its bilingual learned society - could be gradually compensated in the Italian-Latin Renaissance by a new attempt to include classical and only classical, not Byzantine Greek in the school and literary canon. It is precisely at this point that we observe that Italian-Greek-Latin humanism shaped the humanisms of Central and Eastern Europe, which began to implement Greek as an exotic complement. Italy, as the main exile destination of Ottoman expansion, was able to benefit from this cultural influence, and Italy was prepared and ready to bridge the gap between contemporary monolingual culture (not including vernacular) and classical bilingual culture, because the enrichment of classical Greek literature was much sought after by these humanists. This positive attitude, popularized in the East by scholars serving as imperial envoys, resulted in a win-win situation for both sides. Greek scholars preferred to flee the impending Ottoman occupation, and Italian humanists saw the immigration of Greek scholars as a turning point in overcoming the loss of Greek culture in the "Dark Ages". En passant, Italian humanists had their own notions of what an acceptable Greek should be: it was not the Byzantine schismatic Greek who opposed the pope; What was expected was a Unionist or a Greek convert; and the language focused exclusively on classical Greek and its literature and neglected Byzantine literary products, at least in the early period of Italian-Greek humanism.7 When Greek humanism spread in Italy and was absorbed into the humanist canon, this humanist still did not it was clear that in the pronunciation

5 6 7

See the study on Greek study success in Hosts 2012c. See Pertusi 1964 (19792), Pertusi 1966, Pade 2001, Fyrigos 2002, Rossi 2003. See Organizer 2012b.

Transalpine Greek humanism (Panononian area). A methodological approach

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they were the heirs of Byzantine ("modern") Greek. The discussion about the correct pronunciation began more than 100 years later, in 1528, with Erasmus of Rotterdam's critical treatise on the contemporary and restored pronunciation of ancient Greek8, which triggered a long debate between the two poles Erasmian (= Classical) and Reuchlinian (= Modern ) ) Greek pronunciation.9 The humanists of the 15th century and the first half of the 16th century followed the Byzantine pronunciation (modern Greek) and, in addition to the usual difficulties in learning the language, had to face intensive training in spelling and accentuation . There is a point in the pronunciation that indicates a paradigm shift between Italian humanism and Transalpine Greek. While the Italian humanists automatically adopted Byzantine (=modern) pronunciation from their Greek teachers, who did not supplement their grammar for Western audiences with explanations of Greek pronunciation, the new transalpine European audience soon needed an introduction to the special (Byzantine) pronunciation. from the Greek. This was then provided in the pronunciation supplements added to the grammars.10 Unless a student was coached by the living voice of a Greek and thus automatically introduced to modern pronunciation, he must have been confused in his understanding because especially in some Pro litteris recent Graecis treatises11 pointed to the close relationship between the Latin and Greek alphabets, but the pronunciation of some individual or compound letters could not be deduced from Latin equivalents. A non-permanent writing (and pronunciation) practice soon led to what is also best known in Byzantine manuscripts: repeated misspellings (and incorrect accents). Once Erasmian pronunciation was established, as students of Greek still learn it today, assigning a specific vowel or consonant group to its Latin equivalent and familiar letters became extremely easy. Constant reading and extensive writing practice had to familiarize the student with the correct spelling of words, which provides us with an important tool for distinguishing trained scholars of the Greek language from those who occasionally mention Greek authors and want to give the impression of being the canonical. literature read, but reveal their real knowledge when they try to write Greek words.

8

Erasmus 1528, 1529, new edition with comments by Kramer (1978), cf. also Bywater 1908, Caragounis 1995. 9 Cf. the diachronic study of Drerup 1930–1932, reprinted in 1968. 10 Cortesi 1986 also clearly emphasizes the need for a special explanation. the summary article (with further reading) Host 2014b.

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This makes us aware that we must examine statements of Greek knowledge very carefully at all times, but especially in the early days of transalpine Greek humanism. Illustrative examples in this context are a first-generation German student who took classes with Demetrius Chalcondyles in Padua, Hartmann Schedel12 (1463-1464), the celebrated humanist Conrad Celtis13, who was also praised as a scholar of the Greek language, or the famous The Scholar and Viennese diplomat John Cuspinian (1473-1529).14 One reason for this peculiarity of Greek knowledge can be found in a very different status quo in the north: there the Greek element was introduced by Italian humanistic centers as an exotic and alien element. element, a language and literature to which the northern zone had no access. Therefore, the study of Greek humanism in the transalpine area cannot be limited to a mere philological record of language use, but requires a deeper investigation into how Italian bilingual humanism can be transferred to other parts of Europe, where scholars have agreed to principle with the Italian predecessor in However, the reference to antiquity, its language(s), works, stylistic and rhetorical requirements were excluded from scholastic centers and basic literature. It seems that Greek humanism and its actual practice in the North remained elitist and exclusive, but it was in demand as a necessary complement to a scholar after humanism was first introduced and then established in universities. A simple way around this requirement was to partially approach the classical Greek world through translations, also eagerly done by Italian humanists. Since the transalpine humanism of northern and eastern Europe includes and practices Greek as a more or less artificial element, but as an obligation of education, the production of this humanistic supplement could not reach the level of Greco-Latin culture in the south ( or revived) Greek-Italian communities. Greek scholars did not respond to northern appeals and, at best, transient Greeks (scholars), did not have a lasting effect in the regions - quite unlike what we know about Greek influence in Italian universities and courts or in Paris. Current research on transalpine Greek humanism evidently reflects this fact, for it is not apparent from whom we should (or should have) expected research on this aspect of humanism and a defining element of modern European culture: as much for the products are associated with the appearance of the humanism in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. and Greek products

12 13 14

See Host 2014b. See Host 2015a. See Host 2012d.

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are of high quality, classical and medieval (Latin) philologists partially study these works, but the author must at least perfectly imitate and adapt their classical models; when it comes to a bilingual Greek scholar active in the Latin West, some Byzantine scholars are interested in studying such authors but focus more or less exclusively on their Greek output. Furthermore, some Byzantine scholars specializing in paleography and book history focus their research on the handwritten transmission of Greek texts in the Renaissance, but generally place their limit at the end of the 16th century; Some owners, in their analyzes of manuscripts/first editions, touch on the issue of Renaissance (or later, but Byzantine scholars do not feel responsible for post-humanist) textual practice. However, unless a manuscript belonged to a leading Renaissance scholar, it lacks detailed studies of the use of the "imported" scholarly language, the works that attracted North/Eastern scholars, and its incorporation into the cultural canon of transalpine humanism. University historians have paid little attention to sixteenth-century Greek humanism, although they reflect the local adoption of an entire university humanistic curriculum, especially when they find relevant documents in their archives. Library historians also touch on Greek humanism when some Greek manuscripts or books intrude into their research area as troublemakers and require specialized knowledge. The history of the library in general and specifically the reconstruction of a private scientific library is also one of the most demanding fields of investigation, which we will return to below. In some thematic emphases, specialists take a Greek author or text and examine its relevance, which, however, is irrelevant to the introduction and advancement of Greek studies, unless the text is actually read in Greek and not in one of the new Renaissance translations. In the "modern history of science" there is no specific discipline dealing with the use, interpretation and - if any - production of Greek texts in modern times. Because of the moderate production, which is consistently based on Greek antiquity and the Classical Greek language, researchers in Modern Greek studies do not want to invest or waste time studying insights into Greek culture in the West. The remaining group are classical philologists devoted to Renaissance and Modern Latin, the Neo-Latinists who would be better suited to the material, but Neo-Latin studies tend to maintain, or even encourage, a division, which humanists once struggled with, and in their research the additional Greek segment of a modern "Latin"'s cultural and literary background is ignored, since such studies are primarily interested in Latin production, although this creates an artificial divide.

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This results in the situation – which this volume highlights with its contributors from different fields of research – which has been alive and present for the study of Greek in non-Greek areas since the Renaissance as a cultural achievement and implementation of humanistic ideas and is still present today. scientific platform, organization or incentive to further research on this phenomenon, which since the 15th century and progressively also reach the northern areas to a wider academic community. With this Tartu initiative, a first attempt was made to group and concentrate such studies.

Greek humanism on the way to the transalpine region Although the ideas of (Latin) humanism could be based on the common (school) language, Latin, there was a growing dissatisfaction with the methods of scholasticism and an interest in the new discoveries of ancient literature and a growing presence constant of basic texts since the Middle Ages also in the north zone, the Greek had no fundamentals there. His transmission of Italian humanism - and never directly from Greece, as far as we know - was a lengthy process, confined to a very small group who came into contact with humanistic ideas while studying medicine or law in Italy. An even smaller group of them attended the first Greek classes. At best, they managed to acquire Greek manuscripts during their field trips, have texts copied by professional scribes, or even acquire their first impressions. What a privilege it was for some of the leading personalities of German humanism, such as Iohannes Reuchlin (1455–1522),15 Iohannes Cuno (1462/3–1513),16 Willibald Pirckheimer (1470–1513)17 or the Dutchman Rudolf Agricola ( 1443/4 –1485)18 and Adolph Occo (1447–1503)19 also applies to students of Pannonia, among them the most famous Hungarian humanist, Ianus Pannonius.20 In addition to this extraordinary genius, the area of ​​Pannonia (and generally northeastern Europe) became behind the level of development in Italy (and later in Paris; this status quo

15 Cf. a current summary in Dörner 2011; on his visit to Italy, see Proceedings by Dörner 1999, in particular the articles by Dall'Asta (especially 36–39: Graeca ex Venetiis), and Förstel. 16 Sicherl 1978. 17 Holzberg 1981. 18 See the procedures of Akkerman, Vanderjagt 1988 and Kühlmann 1994. 19 See van der Laan 2000. 20 Literature on him can be found in Bekes (2006). For this cultural transfer from Byzantium, see Hosts 2012b, Hosts 2012c, Hosts 2014a.

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improved during the 16th century). The first teachers were usually those students who received an introduction to Greek language and literature in Italy and trained the next generation of "transalpine" teachers. The Pannonian region failed to attract native Greek speakers; the Universitas Histropolitana (today Bratislava, Slovakia)21, newly founded by the Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus (1465), a great promoter of humanism in Buda and patron of the most beautifully decorated classical and patristic manuscripts, also failed in this respect22 Vienna began decades later later with Conrad Celtis' Appeal (1497) to Greek humanism, but Celtis already belonged to the next generation of Greek studies, whose protagonists had no direct contact with Italian-Greek school centers during their education. As his own minima Graeca and especially his Greek grammar for students point out, despite claiming to be a bilingual humanist, he had only a very basic knowledge and no writing experience – which is best illustrated by his autographs.23

Approaching the study of Greek (Transalpine) humanisms The increasing amount of archival material since the Renaissance and the rich collections of libraries - which have only been superficially researched until now - allow extremely valuable access and insight into the study of Greek humanisms: the autographs, which give us an impression of the authentic use of Greek. Along these lines, the different levels of training and practice can be seen in many cases, documented in the annotated textbooks that survive, the first attempts to write Greek letters and words, the use of Greek in private correspondence and in some Greek opponents. It is this material that still awaits collection and analysis. If you want to get an idea of ​​how Greek humanisms could be installed in the transalpine region, it is also advisable to look up basics like grammars and glossaries and trace the handwriting of local students or scholars, because you are familiar with humanism and Greek understanding. Access to the language by contemporary students confronted them with the same problems and issues as a modern student who wants to learn the language and read texts: a student needed a grammar and a dictionary, and then, in the next step, introductory texts from the literary canon. . 21 22 23

For the university, see Shore 1999. See Ékler 2008. See Host 2015a, Wuttke 1970.

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This leads us to the next question: how can Greek humanism be studied if this research is not superficially limited to nothing more than Greek production and just printed texts - not a hypothetical assumption, but common practice in this field of research. Research into Greek humanism must include production, ranging from one-word quotes to texts of varying lengths, and the path to such an outcome. This means learning to write and speak the language, reading literature, accessing and acquiring printed manuscripts/books, the academic networks of Greek studies and their exchange of manuscripts/books. Such a study should be extended by scholars to local printing when the need for textbooks at universities attracted printers to settle in school centers and supply this need. This opens up a huge field of research, such as the history of Greek printing in northeastern transalpine Europe, its results and the printing programs (including the dissemination and dissemination of prints). The question of reprints or reprints based on circulating text sources could be a promising research approach and insight into the reception and use of Greek. One has to imagine the problems faced by a printer who wanted to print a classical or patristic Latin author with a university education, but found that Greek quotations (for example, in the works of Cicero or Pliny) appear in the text. Unless he had an altered copy from the humanist era, the original was a medieval copy, with the Greek letters completely corrupted or with spaces because the scribe could not read the word(s) of his original copy. If the printer was lucky enough to base his print on a modified model, he must have these typefaces himself and be able to define the words or passages correctly, not to mention needing special typefaces for letters with accents and breath marks... If we try to analyze step-by-step approaches to Greek, we must categorize a multifaceted outcome that also reflects different practices and training: a writer's own use of Greek: initial training in writing Greek letters, alphabets, words, basic texts; autographs for personal use, possibly preserved in existing spoils as an adversary collection or as marginal notes in books and manuscripts; Own text: (mainly in the transalpine region) smaller poems, such as applause for the departure of a friend who is part of the network, letters or opponents; primarily intended for an audience; Work on third-party texts: personal comments from a private student/teacher/speaker and ad hoc notes or quotes; Work on other people's texts: revision, new edition, collation; published or prepared for publication to a public;

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Work on other people's writings: commentary (on or after lectures; self-interested, politically and theologically motivated), publication for an audience.

Whenever humanists and their autographs are the subject of scholarly discussion, it is assumed that the relevant material can be found in manuscripts or documents; As a result, a fundamental source for the study of humanism in general, and Greek humanism in particular, is ignored: prints and their users. Catalogs from incunabula or old prints list all technical items but neglect owners and users. So it is only a coincidence that we find a humanist as the owner or reader of contemporary printed books. Annotated prints (with bookplates) could fill in the gap in identifying contemporary manuscripts that we cannot assign to a specific person due to lack of paleographic evidence (owner's notes). The inclusion of footprints in paleographic studies, in turn, would enrich our identification material. The documentation of Greek annotated engravings, starting with the incunabula and in particular the famous and esteemed Greek Aldines,24 will be a very promising aspect of Greek (humanistic) studies.

Digression: The Annotated Manuscript/Print A few words are necessary to emphasize the importance of these sources and their use among Greek-philic humanists: From 1474 Italian printers began to publish Greek works (1474 Brescia: Batrachomyomachia; 1475 Vicenza: Erotemata de Manuel Chrysoloras)25 which inaugurated a new era in the dissemination of Greek texts. Significantly, the Greek grammars of the Greek teachers of Italian humanism achieved a leading position among the first works printed as basic introductions for future Greek students to supplement the classes they were attending, but not enough for self-study. It is therefore not surprising to find personal notes, comments and additions by the owners/users in such books. This is also true of dictionaries26 and lecture texts by classical authors, annotated by a student or professor: research on university teaching practice could benefit enormously from an analysis of this unique source material, any library with a Renaissance manuscript or collection of books. Of course, this practice also applies to manufacturing.

24

Cf. for early studies on the Greek Aldines: Harlfinger 1978, Barker 1992, Sicherl 1997, Fletcher 1997. 25 Cf. Layton 1994: 5. 26 Cf. Bolonyai 2011.

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Scripts that were still used in new and old copies had no qualms about being (misused) as a working copy by owners or publishers. The difficulty of this research lies in the analysis of such sources, as they create a vicious circle in humanistic research: due to external circumstances and writing characteristics, it can be argued that the marginal notes may be dated to a specific local area, but possibly in the deadlines of a specific period, its "author", its scribe, remains anonymous and cannot be identified by any "indicator" note. The only way to reveal the author is to compare your screenplay with identified - at best, dated - documents. It is precisely here that researchers are faced with a big problem: there are still no albums with examples of Greek writing for humanists from the northern and Pannonian regions. For Italian humanism we have two seminal works by Silvio Bernardinello27 and by Paul Canart and Paolo Eleuteri28, but these did not find successors for other regions. Thus, each time, the vicious cycle mentioned above begins: notes are discovered, the writer is not identified, and, unfortunately, a script tablet is rarely published. The first desideratum for the study of Pannonian (Greek) humanism was and is therefore an album of the Greek style of local scholars29, which also includes the wide range of calligraphy and cursive to humanistic single letters, letter combinations, abbreviations and - as as much as possible - your models. To give just one example of the importance of such a research approach: Edina Zsupán was able to use a manuscript by Pliny (Austrian National Library, Cod. 141) and thus expand our knowledge of ancient Hungarian Greek humanism, as Vitéz could not be attributed any knowledge of Greek.31 Roughly speaking, engagement with Greek humanism has hitherto been characterized by a more or less philological approach to mostly printed texts. What stood out was the ingenuity of an author and his adaptation

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Bernardinello 1979. Eleuteri, Canart 1991. 29 We must reiterate the caveat, however, that when identifying an 'autograph' and attributing it to a well-known scholar we must take into account the fact that famous scholars have also used amanuenses; Even more so when these "original" documents appear in the most beautiful handwriting. 30 About him see Caspodiné Gárdonyi 1984 and Földesi 2008. The first analysis was made by Edina Zsupán (Széchényi-Nationalbibliohek Budapest) in the conference “Byzantium and the Occident – ​​​​​​Byzance et l'Occident”, 25-29. November 2013, presented at Eötvös -József-Collegium, Budapest (“Filikos...” A Greek note in the margin of a manuscript owned by Johannes Vitéz de Zredna [Vienna, ÖNB. Cod. 141]). The manuscript is described in Földesi 2008: 151–153 (with two color illustrations). 31 See Csapodiné Gárdonyi 1984, updated by the latest reconstruction in Földesi 2008. 28

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classical sources, that is, only the hermeneutical aspect. A methodologically new research on transalpine Greek humanism, where locally produced Greek texts are very rare, but Greek humanism was cultivated, opens up two more fields that have already been highlighted: the paleographic aspect and the history/network aspect of the book.

Paleographic Aspect: Greek Writing Transalpine Greek humanism makes the broken line between native Greek speakers/scribes and students more than clear in the phenotype of writing itself. Unless a humanist is constantly practicing the model or pattern of writing of a professor of Greek, nothing better reveals the state of training and practice than his writing and its artificiality. What usually distinguishes a "Latin" writer with a more artificial style of his Greek writing from the learned Greeks is a significant characteristic in the transalpine area and its sometimes very idiosyncratic forms of letter combinations and abbreviations - the last two which represent an advanced The Required Greek writing exercises are sometimes completely ignored. Transalpine Greek humanism is characterized by a style that, at first glance, reveals a non-Greek handwriting that could only be improved by attending special classes and repeatedly copying appropriate scripts or, best of all, under the supervision of an experienced teacher. . Thus, the autographs of any type of written Greek word or passage of text not only indicate the mere fact of knowledge of Greek, but their analysts must also consider the paleographic aspect, since an author's knowledge of Greek and his actual approach of the language will be reflected in your style and your template. Normally, a student would model his script on imitation of his teacher. This can be seen in the autographs of some Greek teachers and their students in Italian humanism.32 For Nordic humanists at the turn of the sixteenth century. and graduates of introductory Greek courses at Italian universities, this makes it possible, in some cases, to rebuild the relationship between teachers and students. Graeca humanistica also allows us to trace the level of writing experience: capital letters only (1st level) - (separate capital letters and) small letters (2nd level) - lowercase letters combined (as well as capital letters) and linked and abbreviated syllables (3rd level ).

32

See examples in Eleuteri, Canart 1991 (with biographical data).

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From this point of view, it becomes clear to what extent text edits with the tacit correction of Greek obscure our picture of the practical reception of Greek; therefore, an authentic translation of erroneous or missing accents and breath marks, as well as misspellings and figures of writing, must be essential prerequisites for processing any kind of Graeca of Transalpine Greek humanism. The authentic Greek translation is in some ways an indicator of Greek knowledge and should be documented in all editions - preferably with numbers.

Source Problems and Indicators of Greek Knowledge in Latin Texts A major problem of transalpine humanism was access to sources, both manuscripts and early Greek prints. While Italy had the advantage of scholars traveling eastward,33 Greeks from the diaspora westward (with a stock of classical literature) or contacts with Greeks from the east,34 and while Greek Italian patrons initially competed for each other's libraries, The Introduction of Humanism North East Europe was at a great disadvantage in this respect. Such a medieval tradition did not exist, a corresponding stock had to be acquired and the region depended almost exclusively on imports from Italy. The same applies to the engravings: from the beginning of the 16th century. a first modest activity of Greek printing began to develop only lightly and slowly in the German-speaking areas of Pannonia.35 Greek quotations in Latin texts could not be printed for long either. Greek words were simply marked by a corresponding gap in the text. Ideally, Greek words or quotations would have to be added by the reader if a complete version was available to him. In many cases this was omitted, as numerous incunabula and first prints with the "Greek gaps" show. Readers, publishers, and printers also had major problems with Latin texts quoting Greek words or passages that had passed through several generations of copying, multiplying forgeries. Since Greek words in classical texts were originally written in scriptura continua with capital letters, some of which did not correspond to the Latin alphabet,

33

See, for example, Schreiner 1994; Grafton 1997. See, for example, Cardinal Bessarion, a Greek mediator in Italy: Fiaccadori 1994, and more recently Märtl, Kaiser, Ricklin 2013. 35 Proctor 1900, Layton 1994, Kyriaki-Manessi 1993; Belly 1896: 47-74, 75-98, 163-193; Loewe 1940. 34

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sooner or later they must have caused confusion in the medieval West. As long as the West had knowledge of Greek, these capital letters were transcribed more or less correctly (in scriptura continua). After this knowledge disappeared in late antiquity/early Middle Ages, letters that had no equivalent in the Latin alphabet were copied – or drawn – as exotic characters. In the process, such letters underwent slight modifications from scribe to scribe, sometimes even very daring, artificial forms that hardly allow recognition of the original word. Latin works and converting capital letters to lowercase (including word division and Greek punctuation, as humanists were familiar with the Byzantine system of Dionysius Thracius); or a scribe could not read or understand these characters at all37, leaving gaps to be filled in later by 'experts'. Here a new aspect emerges that significantly affects Greek humanism in modern times: the focus must not be limited to Greek texts, but must also include Latin texts (classical and patristic) as well as Greek interlacings in our "Northern Greek". Renaissance are considered. After a long period of decay in the spelling of such Greek words and passages in medieval Latin transcriptions, the new wave of Greek scholarship contributed for the first time to revising and correcting such Latin texts. It would therefore be promising to examine this aspect in existing manuscripts of classical and Latin patristic authors such as Cicero, Pliny the Younger or Lactantius, Jerome, Augustine etc.

Historical aspect/network of the book: common and owned sources If one wants to examine the humanistic centers in transalpine Europe after the introduction of Greek language and literature, two sources were (and are) indispensable: the (reconstructed) stock of used/owned manuscripts which 36

An example to illustrate: Thomas Ebendorfer Haselbach (1388–1464), theologian and author of the Chronica Austriae (1463), studied theology in Vienna (student of Nikolaus von Dinkelsbühl), was ordained a priest in 1421, and received his doctorate in theology in 1428. Codex 3138 of the Austrian National Library contains its list of Greece omitted in a medieval manuscript of Lactantius "at the discretion of the scribe" (voluntate scriptorum). He added this Graeca in a separate appendix. The spelling of his Graeca points very instructively to the problem faced by a transalpine author at this time if he had only a marginal knowledge of Greek; see Hosts 2016: 71 and Fig. 5. 37 This also applied to scribes who had already modified humanistic manuscripts but could not read Greek in either capital or small letters.

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found their way north of the Alps and preserved Greek texts by Norse authors, whether their own works or quotations or editions and commentaries. Until now, research into Greek humanism has focused mainly on these two areas. The main example for the Pannonian region is the collection of Greek manuscripts by Ihannes Sambucus (1531–1584)38 and his body of letters with numerous discussions of Greek texts, or for Bohemia the collection of Greek manuscripts that Bohuslav Lobkowicz von Hassenstein ( Bohuslav Hasištejnský z Lobkovic, 1461–1510)39 would have been acquired during his trip to the East. These manuscripts were collected and read by the two scholars to deepen their knowledge of Greek authors and texts. However, the reconstruction of academic libraries is one of the most challenging problems in humanistic research, because, most of the time, only a rudimentary stock can be reconstructed; at best, surviving copies of books and marginal notes by a recognized humanist offer a promising path to reconstruction, or parts of the library itself can be identified as being integrated into the holdings of an existing library; Unusually, a contemporary catalog still exists, as with two early 16th-century Viennese humanists who could also use the inventory there, and the anti-Protestant bishop of Vienna Iohannes Fabri (1478–1541). But reconstructing scholarly book inventories has its limitations:41 on the one hand, a Greek author or text mentioned does not imply that the text was actually read in Greek (unless an original citation is provided); Since the 15th and 16th centuries there has been intense translation activity, some humanists have preferred the evocative mention of an authority (whom they may know from a Latin translation, or even by the name of another source) rather than reading the original text. It is "chic" and "fashionable" to meet a certain canon of authors; Therefore, a Greek library must be reconstructed more carefully in an area where Greek texts are rare.

38

See Almasi 2009, Almasi, Kiss 2015; for the founding of his Greek library see Gerstinger 1926. See Kyzourová 2007. For the remains of the library see Olivier, Monégier du Sorbier 1983: XIX–XXV, 95–149. 40 Cf. Host 2011; 2014c hosts: 195–270. For the catalogue, see also Neméth 2013,Host 2015c. 41 Another problem with rebuilding libraries must also be pointed out: the humanists (and also the rare contemporary inventory catalogs) state very reluctantly whether they used manuscripts or materials already printed. For the 15th and early 16th centuries, we can assume that they used manuscripts in the transalpine area. 39

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This raises the question of what to expect from a scholar's "Greek library". In very practical terms, as in language learning today, we have to calculate with the “basics”: grammars and glossaries. No wonder Greek grammars were frequently printed and repeatedly redrawn and edited in the 15th and 16th centuries. lexicons - both handwritten and printed - can show the beginnings of learning Greek from owner/user notes as well as comments in the margins. If inventory is defined as the varying number of books held by a scholar in a uniquely identifiable location (the scholarly library), then in reconstructing a humanist library we face the next problem: the constant "migration" of books among humanists - a fact that scholars' letters document in detail. Books were borrowed, copied and often never returned to their owners. For prints, manuscripts (sometimes with author's printing instructions) - not just reprints but also unique medieval codices - are known to have been sent to the printer to be printed43, printing may have been delayed, a contributor may have been removed or no funding could have been found. The print-ready manuscript was then stored at the printing house or passed into the possession of another scholar. Furthermore, humanists have always retained the Pythagorean dictum of "common property among friends" (κοινὰ τὰ τῶν φίλων - amicorum omnia communia, as the saying was included in Erasmus's Adagia I 1.1). A very impressive example of the consequences of this maxim is the will of Conrad Celtis,44 which deals not only with existing books but also with borrowed books. These are some observations and ideas for a collaborative study of Greek humanism, which Tartu's initiative should give new impetus. Research on Greek humanism is not an ars-artis-causa study, but uses bilingual classical antiquity to show the roots of our common European culture in modern times, which has been rediscovered, cultivated, and maintained in res. publishes supranational literature since the Renaissance.

42 43 44

Botley 2010. Ver Sicherl 1997. Rupprich 1934: 603–609.

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v Praze - Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae, Série C, Historia Litterarum 57, nº 3, 103-109. Host, Christian (2012b). 'Greek Humanism in the Italian Renaissance: Aspects of an Idealized Cultural Transfer.' – Damian, Julian Mihai; Pop, Ioan-Aurel; Popovic, Mihailo; Simon, Alexandru (eds.), Italy and the Eastern Frontier of Europe 1204-1669. (Eastern Central European Studies; 1.) Frankfurt/Main etc: Lang, 157–172. Host, Christian (2012c). 'Cultural transfer using the example of Greek manuscripts and access to languages ​​outside Byzantium.' – Suppan, Arnold; Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid (eds.), Crisis and Transformation. Contributions to the international symposium 22-23 November 2010 at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. (Memorandums of the historical-philosophical class; 441.) Vienna: Verlag der ÖAW, 129-147. Host, Christian (2012d). 'To the Greek sources of the Cuspinians.' – Host, Christian; Klecker, Elisabeth (eds.), Iohannes Cuspinianus (1473–1529). A Viennese humanist and his work in context. (Singularia Vindobonensia; 2.) Vienna: Praesens, 135–168. Host, Christian (2014a). ‘The Bridge to the West. Greco-Byzantine cultural transfer in the Renaissance.” – Host, Christian; Daim, Falko (eds.), Byzantium as a bridge between West and East. (Publications on Byzantium research; 36.) Vienna: Verlag der ÖAW, 291-315. Host, Christian (2014b). ‘Greek Studies in Italian Humanism. Opening Lectures by Demetrios Chalkondyles on the Course of Greek at Padua in 1463 and 1464.' – Yearbook of Austrian Byzantine Studies 64, 67-104. Host, Christian (2014c). Miscellanea Codicum Graecorum Vindobonensium II: The Greek manuscripts of the Bibliotheca Corviniana in the Austrian National Library. Provenance and Reception in Viennese Greek Humanism of the Early Sixteenth Century. (Byzantium Research Publications; 34.) Vienna: Verlag der ÖAW. Host, Christian (2015a). ‘The development of new fonts. The approach to Greek in Viennese humanism.' – Maisel, Thomas; Niederkorn-Bruck, Meta; host, Christian; Klecker, Elisabeth (eds.), Arts– Artisten– Wissenschaft. The University of Vienna in the Late Middle Ages and Humanism. (Singularia Vindobonensia; 4.) Vienna: Praesens, 127-198. Host, Christian (2015b). 'Greek as part of humanistic education in Germany.' - Dall'Asta, Matthias (ed.), Freedom Advocates! Humanists and reformers in dialogue. Complementary volume to the exhibition at the Reuchlinhaus Pforzheim, from September 20 to November 8, 2015, on behalf of the city of Pforzheim. Heidelberg: Winter 2015, 115-124. Host, Christian (2015c). 'Viennese scholars and their libraries, the property catalogs of books by Alexander Brassicanus (1539) and Iohannes Fabri (1541).' - Maisel, Thomas; Niederkorn-Bruck, Meta; host, Christian; Clecker, Elizabeth

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(eds.), Arts– Artisten– Wissenschaft. The University of Vienna in the Late Middle Ages and Humanism. (Singularia Vindobonensia; 4.) Vienna: Praesens, 279-292. Host, Christian (2015d). 'Greek Studies in the Renaissance: A Text Exercise in Italian-Transalpine Greek Humanism (Vienna, ÖNB, Cod. 3138).' - Byzantine Studies 3, 135–165. Host, Christian (2016). ‘Transalpine Greek humanism (in the area of ​​Pannonia). A methodical approach.'– Graecolatina et Orientalia 37–38, 65–90. Gerstinger, Hans (1926). 'Johannes Sambucus as a collector of manuscripts.' – Festschrift of the National Library of Vienna. Vienna: State Printing Office, 250-399. Grafton, Anthony (1997). Trade with the classics. Ancient Books and Renaissance Readers. (Jerome Lectures; 20.) Michigan: University of Michigan Press. Harlfinger, Dieter (1978). Greek Manuscripts and Aldines: An Exhibition on the Occasion of the XV. Mommsen Society Conference at the Herzog August Library in Wolfenbüttel. Wolfenbüttel: Duke August Library. Harlfinger, Dieter (ed.) (1989). Graecogermania. Greek Studies by German Humanists. The publishing activities of the Greeks in the Italian Renaissance (1469-1523). Exhibition in the armory of the Herzog August Library in Wolfenbüttel from 22 April to 9 July 1989. Weinheim: VCH Verlagsges. in Com. Hieronymus, Frank (1992). Ἐν Βασιλείᾳ πόλει τῆς Γερμανίας. Greek Spirit by Basler Presses. (Publications of the University Library Basel; 15.) Basel: Schwabe (Open access: http://www.ub.unibas.ch/cmsdata/spezialkataloge/gg/). Holzberg, Niklas (1971). Willibald Pirkheimer. Greek humanism in Germany. Munich: Fink. Kramer, Johannes (1978). Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami de recta Latini Graecique sermonis pronuntiatione dialogus = dialogue on the correct pronunciation of the Latin and Greek languages, edited as a reading text, translated and commented. (Contributions to Classical Philology; 98.) Meisenheim an der Glan: Hain. Kuehlmann, Wilhelm (ed.) (1994). Rudolf Agricola: 1444-1485, protagonist of northern European humanism, on his 550th birthday. Bern: long. Kyriaki-Manessi, Daphne I.D. (1993). A subject analysis of Greek-language books printed between 1474 and 1669. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Toronto. Kyzourová, Ivana (ed.) (2007). Básník a král, Bohuslav Hasištejnský z Lobkovic v zrcadle jagellonské doby, exhibition catalogue. Prague: Správa Pražského hradu, KANT. Layton, Evro (1994). The Greek Book of Sixteenth Century Italy. Printers and Publishers for the Greek World. Venice: Istituto ellenico di studi bizantini e postbizantini di Venezia. Loewe, Busso (1940). 'The spread of Greek typography in Germany to the end of the Thirty Years' War.' - Gutenberg Yearbook 1940, 297–316. Martl, Claudia; Kaiser, Christian; Ricklin, Thomas (eds.) (2013). "Inter Graecos latinissimus, inter Latinos graecissimus". Bessarion across cultures. (Pluralization and Authority; 39.) Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. Nemeth, András (2013). 'A Viennese bibliophile at the Royal Hungarian Library in 1525.' - Gutenberg Yearbook 2013, 149–165.

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Olivier, Jean Marie; Monégier du Sorbier, Marie-Aude (ed.) (1983). Catalog of Greek Manuscripts from Czechoslovakia. Paris: Editions du Center National de Recherche Scientifique. Pade, Marianne (2001). 'A New Witness to the Iliad by Leontius Pilate; the dieze B. St. 4 of the State Library, Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation, Berlin.” – Posthomerica 3, 87-102. Pertusi, Agostino (1964, 21979). Leonzio Pilato between Petrarch and Boccaccio. Venice; Rome: Venice-Rome Institute for Cultural Cooperation. Pertusi, Augustine (1966). "Leonzio Pilato and the Tradition of Italian-Greek Culture." – Byzantino-Sicula 2, 66–84. Proctor, Robert (1900). The printing of Greek in the fifteenth century. (Bibliographic Society Monograph; 8.) Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rossi, Titian (2003). The Latin Code of Paris 7880.1. Homer's Iliad translated into Latin by Leonzio Pilato with notes by Francesco Petrarch. Milan: Malavasi Library. Rupprich, Hans (1934). The Correspondence of Konrad Celtis. (Publications of the Commission for Research into the History of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, Humanist Letters; 3.) Munich: C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandung. Schreiner, Peter (1994). "Johannes Aurispa in Constantinople. Fate of Greek Manuscripts in the Fifteenth Century.' – Helmrath, Johannes; Mueller, Herbert; Wolff, Helmut (ed.), Studies in the Fifteenth Century. Festschrift for Erich Meuthen, Vol. 2. Munich: Oldenburg, 623-633. Costa, Paul J (1999). "A Istropolitan Academy: Problems of Documentation and Modern Historicism." - Grössing, Helmuth (ed.), Topics in the history of science. Courtesy translation - Topics in the history of science. (Viennese contributions to the history of modern times; 23.) Munich: Oldenbourg, 133-147. Sichel, Martin (1978). John Kuno. A forerunner of Greek in Germany. A biographical-codicological study. Heidelberg: Winter. Sichel, Martin (1997). First Greek editions by Aldus Manutius. Models of impression, value, cultural background (Studies in the History and Culture of Antiquity; N.F., Series 1: Monographs; 10.) Paderborn etc: Schöningh. Slenczka, Reinhard (2001). "Philipp Melanchthon and the Orthodox Church of the East." - Haustein, Jörg (ed.), Philipp Melanchthon: A Pioneer of Ecumenism. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 96-118 (= Frank, Gunter; Treu, Martin [ed.] [2001]. Melanchthon and Europe 1: Scandinavia and Central Eastern Europe. [Melanchthon's writings from the city of Bretten; 6.1.] Stuttgart : Thorbecke, 241–258.) van der Laan, Adrie (2000). "Man in Greece. Adolphus Occo Phrisius.” – Martels, Zweder von; Steenbakkers, Piet; Vanderjagt, Arjo (ed.), Limae Labor et Mora. Opportunities for Fokke Akkerman on the occasion of the twelfth of the year. Leende: Damon, 55-65. Wendebourg, Dorothea (1986) Reformation and Orthodoxy The Ecumenical Correspondence Between the Church Leadership of Württemberg and Patriarch Jeremiah II of Constantinople in the Years 1573-1581 (Research on Church History and Dogma; 37.) Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

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Wolf, Gerhard Philipp (2009). 'Martin Crusius (1526-1607). Philhellene and university professor.'- Schneider, Erich (ed.), Fränkische Lebensbilder, Band22. (Publications of the Society for the History of Franconia, Series VII A; Volume 22.) Würzburg: Commission Editor F. Schöningh, 103-119. Wuttke, Dieter (1970). 'On the Greek grammar of Konrad Celtis.' - by Albrecht, Michael; Hede, Eberhard (eds.), Silvae. Festschrift for Ernst Zinn. Tubingen: Niemeyer, 289-303.

Abstract This article focuses on the beginnings of Greek studies in the Danube Renaissance region of Vienna and discusses some methodological aspects that research on this topic faces. The new wave of Latin and Greek humanism, shaped by Italian scholars since the end of the fourteenth century, had consequences for intellectual demands after the new ideology of humanism conquered the scholastic centers of the north. While Italian humanism was able to benefit from the Greek diaspora, the importation of Greek manuscripts, the increasing number of Greek texts in the West, and the first attempts at printing in Greek with excellent results in Venice under Aldus Manutius, the transalpine region lagged behind. European development and had to give up the egg with no access to native Greeks unless northern students continued their studies in Italy. The article therefore underlines that the study of Greek humanism in this area (and in general in areas where scholars of the Greek diaspora have not established themselves) is accompanied by factors such as the lack of manuscripts, printed books, trained teachers, deep grammatical knowledge to consider, experience writing Greek (including correct emphasis, effort, punctuation), access to fonts, or problems reading non-calligraphic Greek manuscripts. Although Greek (Classical and more or less Byzantine) regained prominence among Latin scholars during the Renaissance, modern scholarship has largely neglected this complementary aspect of the humanities ever since. As a result, Greek humanism studies have not found acceptance in Neo-Latin studies, are not included in modern Greek studies, and are more or less despised as an epigonal beverage by classicists.

GREEK TEXTS FROM THE 16TH-17TH CENTURIES IN THE ACADEMIC LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LATVIA Gita Bērziņa

The cultural currents and ideas, pedagogical reforms and changes in intellectual life that spread across Europe in the 15th and 16th centuries also reached the northern areas and spread to Livonia and its center, Riga, in the 16th century. Humanistic ideas also flourished in Livonia, as in other parts of Europe - albeit on a more restricted local level.1 The new worldview fueled Riga's intellectual life and several crucial intellectual activities took place: The city's first library, Bibliotheca Rigensis, was established (1524), printing was introduced (1588), educational reforms were carried out (1594), classical languages ​​were studied and the values ​​of ancient culture were acquired, and a large number of texts in Latin and Greek were produced. Two educational institutions - in particular the Cathedral School and, at the end of the 17th century, the Riga Lyceum - can be considered humanistic centers in Riga.2 The Riga Cathedral School was the first school on Latvian territory. It was founded in Riga in 1211 shortly after the Riga Cathedral was built on the initiative of the cathedral chapter for the training of Catholic clergy, but due to the shortage of schools, some students were also enrolled in general education. In the 16th century (1528), after the Lutheran Reformation, the school became the responsibility of the city, which extinguished it as a Catholic educational institution, but instituted a Latin school.

1

For more on specific manifestations of humanism in the region, see Stradiņš 2012: 103–140, especially 134–140; Stradins, 2000; Zander 1988: 126-134. 2 On education in the 16th-17th Century in Latvia, see Cīrule 1996: 98–105; Stradins 2012: 107-108, 129-150; also Zander 1988: 135–138; Dutch 1980; Sweden 1910; Gelled in 1911.

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school3 in its place for the preparation of Protestant clergy; The Riga City Council appointed a special inspector to oversee this school. Until 1588 the study lasted three and then five years, and the cathedral school became a higher school of Latin, which taught ancient literature, works of medieval scholars, grammar, metrics, mathematics, as well as the basics of classical languages ​​and, later, disciplines such as physics, history and geography. In 1594 a new program was established at the school and, in addition to the prolonged study of ancient authors, Holy Scripture, Melanchthon's rhetoric and dialectic, works by Erasmus and Camerarius, arithmetic with sphericals, and astronomy were also taught. In 1631, the Riga Academic Gymnasium was founded on the basis of the Latin school. Initially, only Protestant theology and philosophy could be studied there, but in 1640 the faculty of law was also founded.4 The functioning of the school was regulated by a law, Leges gymnasii Rigensis, passed by the Riga City Council (1631). The main task of the Gym was to prepare its students to study at European universities. Until the founding of Schola Carolina (Lyceum, see below) it was the most important educational institution in terms of quality of knowledge and number of students in the territory of present-day Latvia. In the first period, until 1657, three professors of philosophy, two of theology, two of rhetoric, two of law, two of the Greek language and a professor of history, physics and ethics worked at the Gym. From 1657 to 1678 primary school classes were suspended due to wars and the plague. During the second period of activity (1678-1710) the faculty lost one person: there were three professors of theology, three of philosophy, four of rhetoric, history and Greek language, two of law and mathematics.5 Riga Academic Gymnasium functioned until 1710, when Riga was incorporated into the Russian Empire. After that, the school was transformed into a classical grammar school.6 Another important educational institution was the Schola Carolina (Riga or Charles Lyceum), the grammar school of St. Paul's Cathedral. James, founded in 1675 by order of Charles XI. was founded by Sweden. It was established alongside the Riga Academic Gymnasium to educate skilled office workers loyal to the Swedes. The rector of the Lyceum was usually the senior vicar of St Jacob's 3rd

In various texts it is often still referred to as the Dome School, although the cathedral chapter of the fathers has long since closed. 4 Gel'd 1911. 5 Schweder 1910: 77–80. 6 stars 2011: 47.

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Church. Lyceum graduates were able to continue their studies at the Universities of Dorpat (Tartu) and Uppsala. Maintained by the Swedish Crown, the lyceum operated until 1710, when its activity was interrupted due to the siege by the Russian army (during the Great Northern War). After the annexation of Vidzeme to the Russian Empire and after the renovation of the Lyceum in 1733, it was renamed Riga Imperial Lyceum, in 1802 Vidzeme Province Gymnasium and in 1890 Nicholas I Gymnasium. worked in these schools/high schools. Among the directors of the cathedral school are, for example, the first rector of the school, Jacob Batt (Jacobus Battus) (1528–1542), the rectors Rötger Becker (Rutgerus Pistorius) (1545–1554), Hermann Wilchen (Wilikindus, Wilikind , Witekind) (1554–1561, later rector of the University of Heidelberg), Georg Marsow (Marsau) (1564–1578), Heinrich Möller (1583–1588), rector and inspector Johann Rivius (1589–1596), Salomon Frenzel ( Frencélio) (from 1599). The first inspector and teacher of the Riga Academic Gymnasium was the Riga-born Lutheran pastor, superintendent of Vidzeme Hermann Samson (Hermannus Samsonius) (since 1631). The first teachers were also Johann Struborg (Struborgius) (professor of philosophy) and Johann Höveln (Hövelius) (professor of ethics and physics). Later list of professors includes Johann Brever (professor of philosophy, history, theology, rhetoric 1643-1657 and 1677-1700), Johann Richmann (Rickemann) (professor of philosophy 1650-1657), Aggaeus Friderici (professor of Greek and theology). rector 1631-1657), Johann Hörnick (professor of philosophy 1693-1697; rector 1658-1668), Henning Witte (professor of rhetoric, history and Greek 1677-1694), David Caspari (professor of philosophy and theology 1678). –1681), Johann Paul Möller (from 1686 professor of law and mathematics; in 1697 he also set up an observatory with two telescopes at the secondary school), Jakob Wilde (1703–1706 professor of rhetoric, history and Greek); Georg Lauterbach (Rector 1669–1677), Michael Pinsdörffer (Professor of Philosophy and Rector 1681–1710), etc. (1678–1698); master builder Johann Knoll (1694–1701); Parish priest of the Jakobskirche and Rector of the Lyzeum Johannes Loder (1728–1771); Historian, translator of Heinrich's Livonian Chronicle into German, vice-chancellor Johann Gottfried Arndt

7 8

In German: Imperial Lyceum of Riga, in Russian: Royal Lyceum of Riga. Schweder 1910: 19-25, 77-80; Stradiņš 2012: 143–148.

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(1747-1767); Ethnographer and historian, lyceum teacher (since 1769), later rector (1801–1804) Johann Christoph Brotze; later also historian, director of the Gymnasium of the Voivodeship (1829–1849) Karl Eduard Napiersky, etc.9 Under the direction of these illustrious personalities, the Latin and Greek languages, as well as ancient literature, were studied in the two educational institutions of Riga ( especially Dome School), among other important disciplines (such as theology, grammar, mathematics, logic, history, geography, rhetoric, basics of Hebrew, etc.), including the works of ancient Greek and Roman poets and writers, rhetoricians and philosophers, and ancient patristic works. The program included Roman (e.g. Virgil, Suetonius and Cicero) and Greek authors such as Homer, Hesiod, Theognis, Herodotus, Xenophon, Aristophanes, Isocrates, Demosthenes, Callimachus, Theocritus, Theophrastus, Anacreon, Lucian etc. at the same time, in acquiring humanistic values, great emphasis was placed on creative activities: students learned to write various exercises on specific topics, poetry and prose in classical languages, and to express their thoughts in public debates. They have demonstrated their skills at countless public and private events - school festivals, weddings, funerals and birthdays, which would be unthinkable without declamations, congratulatory speeches and the occasional poem. The professors – professors and deans – also created a variety of works in prose and poetry, wrote scientific treatises and essays.11 Poems for various important occasions (eg weddings, funerals), congratulatory texts in dissertations, etc. in Greek. The importance of the Greek language and its conscious use was also confirmed by Johann Rivius in his speech of honor at the opening of the newly organized Riga Cathedral School in 1594.12 J. Rivius, who took care of the acquisition of the Greek language in the education of young people in Riga , speaks in the general school program about the Greek language and complains about the lack of Greek letters in Riga to print Greek texts:

9

On the history of the Gouvernement Gymnasium em Riga 1675-1888. 1888: XVII–XIX, 37, 1. 10 See e.g. B. Rivius' speech and curriculum of Tertia, Secunda and Prima in Orationes tres 1597; Leituras Pensativas 1733; Suécia 1910: 77-80. 11 See e.g. B. Taimiña 2011: 207–210. 12 Orations tres 1597.

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If only our chalcograph had supplied us with Greek typos to communicate our thoughts to the Greeks: which we also missed in the previous work: and that with the greater difficulty because a Greek word is often the image of many interpretations, each speaking verbally and fluently. . Everything could certainly have been understood more harmoniously, conveniently and completely, by what we would judge in this class: when it comes to teaching the elements of the Greek language, after interpreting the ancient Greek writings, ennobling them and illustrating them with examples, who enlighten the commandments. But as the lack of Greek typos deprives us of all this ability, we will explain in Latin nothing less than what we think should be done properly and usefully: in all forms of explanation, both in Latin and in Greek.

In a few years the problem was solved and texts in Greek could also be printed in Riga.13 A certain part of these texts, which have survived to this day, are kept in the library of the University of Latvia (along with important texts in Greek). created and published elsewhere in Europe and then taken to Livonia). The University of Latvia library now includes the collections of the University Library and the Academic Library, the oldest public library in the Baltic (Bibliotheca Rigensis, founded in 1524). Especially texts from the 16th to the 17th Century, mainly in Latin, also in Greek, can be found in great variety in the collection of the Academic Library. To date, these treasures have received little or no academic attention, other than some sporadic work. The general corpus of these texts, their volume, nature and variety have not been studied systematically. Now the work on the texts has started and it is possible to get a corpus view of these texts. Today, the corpus of occasional poetry is better identified, where Greek poetic texts are included alongside Latin and German texts in separate special collections on various important occasions (eg weddings, funerals).14 These include some texts from the centuries. XVI and XVI and XVIII centuries, but mainly from the XVII century. Most of these texts were printed in Riga presses of this period: several by Gerhard Schröder (?–1657); some by Riga's next book printer, Heinrich Bessemesser (?–1683); after 1683 many by Georg Matthias

13

Individual words and quotations in Greek contained in the aforementioned collection Orationes tres 1597, which was printed three years after the opening ceremony of the reorganized summit school, attest to this. 14 53 Greek passages are given in Garber's bibliography, see Garber 2004.

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Nöller (1658?–1712) and some by Johann Georg Wilcken (?–1702),15 but also some texts in Mitau (4), Reval (5), Dorpat (2), Wittenberg (3), Leipzig (2), as well as in Pärnu, Vilnius, Koenigsberg and Basel. The extent of these personal collections and the extent of individual poetic texts and their character differ. There are collections with few poems, but there are also collections with more than twenty poems. The length of the texts varies from two to several dozen lines. The collection's overall size, length of text, and characters seem to be directly related to the occasion for which it was written and the specific person or persons to whom it is dedicated. The more popular/known the person, the larger the collection and the more extensive and varied the texts. The choice of language, including Greek, for casual poetry is also related to both the recipient and the author. For example, texts in Greek are found especially when the author or addressee is an honorable representative of the school - a dean or professor. However, it is not possible to identify a strict and precise regularity. Analysis of occasional collections shows that the same author may choose different languages ​​in seemingly equal situations, for example, Once Latin, once Greek, but sometimes German as well.16 General trends can be understood, but subjective factors cannot always be discarded. Greek texts can be found among poems written primarily to honor the marriage of an important person or to commemorate the death of an important person. Most of these people, who were honored by approaching poetic texts of a unified character, come from Livonian intellectual circles, and from Riga in particular. Poems serve to demonstrate the author's erudition and skill and to emphasize the recipient's intellect, as the author depends on the reader's reasonable understanding and ability to evaluate the text.

fifteen

For more on printing practice and major printing works in Riga in the 17th century, see Apīnis 1991: 47–71; Bucholtz 1890 (1965); on Gerhard Schröder, see Taube 1990; on Johann Georg Wilcken, see Politik 1981: 132–156. 16 For example, Johann Hörnick uses Latin in his poems commemorating the death of G.Rigemann (Urnula lugubrium 1651 = Garber 730) and the marriage of Joachim Kühn (Laetis nuptijs 1649 = Garber 742), Greek in his poems commemorating the death of Georg Graven (Beatam Quietem 1651. Garber 630). ) and for the marriage of Johann Krüger (Myrtus nupcialis 1654 = Garber 642), German in his Epicedium for the death of Anna Buining (wife of Joachim Kühn) (Honor exsequialis 1653 = Garber 639); Heinrich Lademacher composed his poem for the marriage of Johann Richmann in Latin (Bona Verba 1651 = Garber 732), but the Epicedium for the death of Anna Buining in Greek (Honor exsequialis 1653 = Garber 639) etc.

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The volume of Greek texts is small compared to Latin and German texts. The collections have mostly one and only in some cases two or even three Greek texts. For example, an epithalamion in Greek for the marriage in 1638 of Pastor Martin Charhof of Dole Island and Anna Margaretha, daughter of Melchior Kirchhof, by Hermann Samson junior (1619–1678), son of the aforementioned Hermann Samson, Lutheran pastor and the first the inspector and teacher of the Riga Academic Gymnasium survived. It was printed in Schröder's printing works together with six other epithalamies in Latin and German (eg by Johann Brever, Nikolaus Witte) (see Fig. 1–2): therefore I wish you health and a peaceful life and a glorious life,

but a shame about the experience. May God the Father bless you forever, but if you agree to this, you will have eternal life. ἀσμενος εποιέσε HERMANNVS SAMSONIVS Iun. Rigensis.

A simple epithalamus, arranged in two columns (separated by a decorative vignette), begins with a speech to the groom and a mention of the important occasion (the wedding). Then, the author turns to the wishes for the couple's future life - health, a quiet, decent and worry-free life, many children - and ends with a reference to eternal life according to Christian ethics. The author has used some specific poetic word forms characteristic of the Greek epic (for example, the epic genitive as in παρθένοιο and βίοιο), but some forms seem quite peculiar. Accents and alcohol are printed on the first letters of diphthongs in word-initial position. Although the paper used for the collection is thin and translucent, the Latin and German poems included in the collection are comparatively high quality and easily readable, while the printing of the Greek text is not of high quality: here and there the letters are indistinct, the line thickness of the letters is different and the lines of letters are uneven. This shows that - it seems - the printing of Greek texts was not popular and common in Riga at that time and may have caused difficulties for the printer. 17

Faust screams 1638 = Garber 691.

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SICK. 1. Faustae acclamationes, dedicated to the marriage of Martin Charhof and Anna Margaretha Kirchof. face sheet. (Academic Library of the University of Latvia).

SICK. 2. Epithalamus of Hermann Samson Jr. in: Faustae Accalamationes, dedicated to the marriage of Martin Charhof and Anna Margaretha Kirchof. (Academic Library of the University of Latvia).

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Another example of epitalamion on the body is a poetic greeting by Johann Hörnick (Horniceus) in the collection in honor of the marriage of Johann Krüger (Crueger), shepherd of Bikernieri (Bikkern) and Jumprava (Jungfernhoff), and Catharina Christian, daughter of Diederich (Theodoricus ) Christian (elder of the Great Guild), 1654. Johann Hörnick (1621–10/10/1686) was a colleague of the Riga Cathedral School (1648), then vice-chancellor (1655) and rector (1658–1668), professor of philosophy (1693–1697) at the Academic Gymnasium in Riga and professor of poetics (1671), rhetoric and history (1678) at the Reval Gymnasium.18 In the collection assembled by friends of the betrothed couple (including poems by Christian Rehehausen and Johann Brever in Latin; Hieronymus Depkin and Heinrich Ladencher in German) And printed in Schröder's typography, 5-line hexameter in Greek by Johann Hörnick It can be found: 19 ỏυδ ỏυδ ἀυδ ἀαθοῦ γλ 7 χαυσις χω οχᾗ φορέσείε . Τοῦτο φρονῶ κούρην λέξας, φατὲ νυμφἰ, ἐραστίν, κοινύντε καλῶν, καὶ ἁμύνοσαν τα &; ῆ & igesies. Μῶντοτε εἰν ἀγαθοῖς χαίροντες φεύγετε λυγρά. Ẻυφημήσων ἐσχεδίατε Joh. Hörnick, Scholl. Accessory. college.

The epithalamus begins with a general statement about the importance of a good mate, appropriate to the occasion of marriage. Short congratulations follow. Ionian epic poetic forms are used along with classical Attic forms, as well as some peculiar verb forms. The main effect is created by the positive language chosen by the author, which emphasizes the pleasant, the good and the good. Joy in the good is contrasted with the avoidance of worry, unhappiness, and suffering. In general, it is also a rather simple and explicit poem. The printing (at least with regard to the shape of the letters and the arrangement of the letters in rows) is clearer and of better quality than in the aforementioned case, confirming that the technique of printing Greek texts in Riga has improved significantly over the years. of years. However, the impression of the diacritics is uncertain (eg mixture of accent and spiritus, double accent, etc.) and it appears that there has been no proper revision.

18 19

Recke, Napiersky 1829: 319-320. Myrtus nupcialis 1654 = Garber 642.

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There are several other epithalamies for marriages of different people in Greek in the corpus. It should be noted that, in addition to solemn poems in classical meter, there are also texts in different specific/original forms. So, for example For example, anagrams are of course popular,20 sometimes a Greek text is also combined with a text in another language – mostly Latin, but sometimes also German and Hebrew.21 In the occasional corpus of poetry, some Greek texts are composed alongside the Honoring the death of a person or his relative. An excellent example is an epicide by Theodor Schmidt commemorating the untimely death of Aggaeus Friderici junior in 1647. The deceased was the son of Aggaeus Friderici, the Worshipful Professor of Greek at the Riga Academic Gymnasium (1584–1657) (see ILL. 3–4 ). Aggaeus Friderici, the father, studied in Wittenberg. In 1615 he became rector of the Riga Cathedral School, later professor of Greek at the Gymnasium.22 Obviously, the importance of the father was the reason for compiling an extensive collection of various epidemics (16 in all) on this sad occasion, including poetic texts of various prominent personalities, most of whom were connected with the Gymnasium (eg by Johann Dolmann and Johann Brever in Latin etc.). However, there is no information about the author of the respective Greek text, Theodor Schmidt:23

20

See, for example, Epithalamion on the marriage of Bertram Hildebrand and Gertrud Wilde, daughter of Alderman Wilhelm Dollmann, by Peter Schmidt in 1703 (Apoforeta Metrica 1703 = Garber 132) on his marriage to Margareta Kippen in 1651 (Bona Verba 1651 = Garber 732 ) . 21 For example, Elias Martin Offeney uses Latin, Hebrew and Greek in his epithalamion for the marriage of Professor Johann Brever (Bellaria melica 1645 = Garber 759=798); Elias Welsch mixes Greek, Latin and German in his Epithalamion on the marriage of Joachim Kühn (Laetis nuptijs 1649 = Garber 742); Deputy Principal of the Dome School, Jacob Wilde, uses Latin and Greek in the Epicedium in honor of the death of David Casparis (last 1702 = Garber 202 = 1309). 22 Recke, Napiersky 1827: 605. 23 Executive Honors 1647 = Garber 188=746.

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SICK. 3. Executive Honors. Commemorative Collection of Aggaeus Friderici. face sheet. (Academic Library of the University of Latvia).

SICK. 4. Epicide by Theodor Schmidt in Funeral Honors. Collection commemorating Haggai Frederick. (Academic Library of the University of Latvia).

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Loidorei crosses the river aeike' everyone, but Ảtrekeos24 say, after all it is a beautiful river. Maternity is wearily shed by the tears of life, None of the Chthoni is the bearer of tears. But this deadly death of Kydea is sacrilege, Rhysthenes takes to the nine-star heaven. It is beneficial for them to walk in the world. Kan neon, ἠὲ aged with an omnipresent anaktos, Ἠὲ lives optimally in lygren ectosthene apados. Theodor Schmidt

The Epicide consists of nine lines in hexameter. Its detached character is visible – there are no personal details, no subjective experiences, no first- and second-person forms that can sometimes be observed in other cases. Poetic forms and vocabulary dominate, which are characteristic of epic poetry and denote negative experiences and emotions - sadness, unhappiness, misery and crying. The ancient form is complemented with the values ​​of Christian ethics. The author created his poem as a consolation that seeks to emphasize the positive aspects of the occasion, contrasting the happy life in heaven free of pain and misery with the sad earthly life from which the young man was saved. Another example of this type is a short poem by Justus Fridericus Ottonis, written in honor of the death of Johann Knoll, vice-chancellor of the Riga Lyceum. The Epicedium in Greek is included in a collection printed in 1701 by Georg Matthias Nöller, together with a poem in Latin by Heinrich Gustav Dörre (where Johann Knoll is quoted as sapiens vir et arte probatus, in patria lumen et decus Lycei, magister prudens doctusque ) and fifteen dedications in German:25 Πένθος ΛΥΚẼΙΟΥ ἐπιτύμβιον. . Φεῦ! πόσον ἆιψα καλὸν ταρχύθη! Ἀλλ ’ἐπὶ γάιης λάμπει τοὔνομ' ἀεὶ, πνεῦμα Δ’ ὄλυμπον ἔδυ! 26 ἐπὶ κήδους & παρέέηκα Justus fridericus tectonis 24

In this printed text (as is often the case) spiritual signs and accents are always above the capital letter. 25 Renewed 1701 = Garber 179. 26 In the printed text, accents and the spirit of diphthongs are placed on the first letter (except ἀεὶ); Spiritus is above the capital letter.

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The author of this epicide, in elegiac verse, brief, without extensive poetic pretensions or complicated constructions, accentuates the sadness caused by the sad occasion, and particularly highlights the connection with the high school. Poetic lexemes are used to characterize the late Deputy Director's bright personality. Emotional exclamations express regret at the rapid extinction of good when only the word remains forever. Thus, the short poem presents meanings characteristic of an epitaph without emphasizing specific individual traits or nuances. The print quality of the collection is very good and the Greek text is easy to read. In the corpus of occasional collections of poems, there are also texts in Greek commemorating the death of other prominent Livonian and Riga personalities, e.g. B. by Gerhard Rigemann (1651), by Joachim Kippen (1653), by Anna Buining, wife of Joachim Kühn (priest in Sauka (Sauke) and Elkšņi (Ellern)), the pastor Georg Graven (1655), the superintendent and Professors of David Caspari's Gym (1702) and others. Finally, it is worth mentioning that texts in Greek can also be found in the corpus of dissertations by students of the Riga Academic Gymnasium27 and the Riga Lyceum, as well as by Livonians and Rigensians in various universities in Western Europe. Depending on the type of text, the use of Greek differs in scope and type: Greek words (from individual words and quoted phrases to extended passages) can be included in dissertation texts, depending on the topic, but more often there are congratulations to Dissertation respondents in Greek. In this corpus of congratulations, occasional poems in hexameters, elegiac couplets or other meters of classical poetry based on the ancient poetic tradition, not only in Latin but also in Greek, are written by classmates of the respondents, sometimes also by teachers linked to the Important remember event. Ancient figures, gods and realities are often mentioned in poems, and proverbs and phrases from texts by classical authors are sometimes found. Anagrams, puns and similar phenomena are particularly popular. In this corpus, as in the cases mentioned above, poetic congratulations to essay respondents in Greek simultaneously demonstrated the knowledge and skill of the authors themselves, but this corpus is in the early stages of investigation and needs to be examined more carefully; therefore, it is still premature to talk about it in more detail.

27

R.Berga talks more about Riga Academic Gymnasium dissertations, see Berga 2013: 4–13.

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Thus, albeit on a different scale, humanistic ideas and the study of ancient cultural values ​​and classical languages ​​also flourished in Livonia, Riga. Texts of varied scope and character emerged, in which the Greek language also reflects the intellectual environment of Livonia and Riga in that period, as well as the adoption and representation of humanistic values ​​and ideals in the texts produced in that region.

Bibliography I. Early Prints Apophoreta Metrica (1703) Reverend and Scholar Mr. Bertram Hildebrand, Deacon Preacher Bauscens The Most Vigilant and the Matrons Adorned with All Modesty and the Flower of Virtue, Gertrude Wilde, Men, ..., the Greatest and Conscious Lord. Wilhelmi Dollmann, State Senator of the Illustrious Widow of her husband, who survived until November 5. In 1803, on the occasion of Bausca, they were sent by some agents of the Friends of Riga. Riga: Typis Nölleriani. [Garber 132] Beatam Quietem (1655) = Blessed Quietem for the Reverend, distinguished and learned man, Dan. Supporters and friends congratulate Georgio Graven of Ronneburg on 27 years and the first parishioners of the Schmiltenser Church and Serbia together, the most vigilant and meritorious pastor who... Riga: Letters from Gerhard Schröder. [Garber 631] Bellaria melica (1645) = Bellaria melica for the wedding feast of the most famous man, DN M. JOHANNIS BREVERI, teacher of eloquence, wife and VIRGIN ELEGANTISSIMAE HEDVIGIS, most honorable man, DN. ARNOLD SAMSONII, College Maj. The Daughter, the Bride, of the Elder and Merchant of Integrity, i. VIII September festively decorated, presented by the hands of friends. Riga Livonum: Express Typis Schroderianis. [Garber 759 = 798] Bona Verba (1651) = Bona Verba, with whom the most famous man DN M. JOHANNES RICHMANNUM professor of philosophy at the gymnasium of Rigens with the most honorable and venerable man, MARGARETA, the most educated and chaste virgin. 16. Daughter of OTTON KIPPEN, citizen and merchant. The celebrant of Junius is pursued by the MUSES. Printed by Schroederian in 1800. [Garber 732] Acclamations of Faust (1638) = Acclamations of Faust at the Marriage of the Reverend, Humane Man and Scholar, Dn. by Martin Charhofius, the most vigilant shepherd of the Dales, and by the most learned and chaste maiden, Anna Margareta, daughter of Melchior Kirchoffius, whom Spectatus once left. It was celebrated in Riga the day after Sunday: Enter my vineyard: In the year of God's last patience. Gerhard Schroeder was impressed. [Page 691]

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Funeral honors (1647) = Funeral honors for the most learned young man in morals and literature AGGAEO FRIDERICI, student of the Gymnasium as far as permitted, quite diligent, the most famous and learned man DNI.M.AGGAEI FRIDERICI, deserved teacher of the Greek language in the famous Gymnasium of Rigens, the beloved son of friends and comrades. Riga: Typis Schröderiani, Anno 47 AD [Garber 188=746] Honoring the dead (1653) = honoring the dead, with which the virtuous matron and her dear ANNA BUININGIA let the rose grow green with sure hope from the garden of the sun, because they dem Sonne, Anno M.DC.XXVIII.d.29 Born in November, the rose now grows peacefully in the pole's garden, for the pole is beautiful, in the year 1000 LIII.d. JOACHIM KÜHNII, SABELI's most vigilant pastor: Friends, supporters, worshipers heal the tears of grief of parents and others. Riga: Schroederian letters. [Garber 639] Happy Nuptials (1649) = happy and auspicious marriages of the excellent and wise man Dan. M. JOACHIMI KUHNII, Pastor of the Faithful Church of Saukensis & Ellernensis, with the Most Holy and Chaste Virgin ANNA, Your Most Holy and Most Holy Husband CASPAR BINING, Citizen of Rigensis Primarij, Spouse celebrated on the eve of the Vernal Equinox after Laetare Sunday. Riga: Typis Schroederianis, Anno 49 AD [Garber 742] Last (1702) = Last Ehren=Bedenächtnüsz To the immortal posthumous fame of Weyland High=Venerable and highly learned Mr. M. David Caspari, its king. His Majesty in this city = and the same Districte Highly Ordained Superintendent of the King. Stadts=Consistorii Assessors e Ober=Pastors S. S. Theologiae at the Gymnasio Professors, and The Duhms=Schools Inspectors [...[. Riga: Georg Matthias Noeller. [Garber 202=1309] Myrtus nuptialis (1654) = Myrtus nuptialis, in honor and love of the Reverend and Illustrious Sir M. Johannes Crueger, the most faithful pastor in Bikkern and Jungfernhoff, the bridegroom, as well as the Most Elegant Virgin Catharina Christians, most respected and honest Husband of Sir Theodoric Christians, Major Senior College pm Daughters Left Behind, Spouses, Among Kindest Vows Enshrined by Friends. Riga: Letteris Schroederianis, Anno M.DC.LIV [Garber 642] Orationes tres (1597) = Orationes tres: two of them of the most revered dignity, as well as the wisdom and virtue of the most decorated scholars Nicolai Ekii, Proconsul, and David Hilchen, Syndic, the third of John Rivius, with solemn and public rite, to be done at his request under the pedagogical supervision of the Senate. Apartments under restoration or establishment of the school of Rigensis. Riga Livonum: print works by Nicolai Mollini. Pensa Lectionum (1733) = Pensa Lectures of the Imperial Lyceum from the time of consecration July 11, 1833. Urnula Lugubrium (1651) = The Urn of Lugubrium Tears in a solid memorabilia, with which the Most Noble, Most Extensive, Most Consulted and Prudente DN. GERHARD RIGEMANN, deputy. The first praetor of the country, friends and faithful extinguished the ashes of the blessed. Riga: Typis Schroederianis. In the year 1.DC.LI [Garber 730]

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Renovado (1701) = Renewed melancholy lamentation/ May/ Be the unexpected and painful. Death=case/ of good=honor=vesten/ before=achtbahren and good=belarten lord/ lord Johann Knolls of local royalty. Well respected lycéi Con– Rectoris ... Riga: Georg Matthias Nöller. [Garber 179]

2. Secondary Literature Apīnis, Aleksejs (1991). The book and Latvian society in the mid-nineteenth century. Riga: Liesma. Berga, Renate (2013). "Dissertations of the Riga Academic Gymnasium (early XVII-XVIII centuries)" - Scientific Articles of the National Library of Latvia, 2. (XXII) Riga: National Library of Latvia, 4-13. Buchholtz, Arend (1890). History of printing in Riga 1588-1888. Riga: Muller. Rep. 1965. Cirule, Brigitta (1996). "The Organization of Schools in the Reform Century in Livonia." - Ekrem, Inger; Skafte Jensen, Minnesota; Kraggerud, Egil (ed.), Reform and Latin Literature in Northern Europe. Oslo etc.: Scandinavian University Press, 98-105. Garber, Klaus (ed.) (2004). Handbook of personal occasional publications in European libraries and archives. Volume 12-13, 15. Hildesheim etc.: Olms. Gel'd 1911 = Гельд, Герман Готфрид (1911). Brief history of the Riga City Gymnasium: со времени ея зарождения до наших дней; 1211-1911. Riga. HOLANDER, Bernhard (1980). History of the Cathedral School of the Later City Gymnasium in Riga. Hanover; Döhren: H. v. Hirschheydt. General catalog of ancient editions in other Latvian languages ​​1588–1830 (2013). To develop. Silvia Sisko. Riga: Academic Library of Latvia. Recke, Johann Friedrich von; Napiersky, Karl Edward (1829-1831). General lexicon of writers and scholars from the provinces of Livonia, Esthland and Courland. Vol. 2-3. Mitau: J.F. Steffenhagen and son. Schweder, Gothard (1910). The former cathedral school and resulting city gymnasium in Riga. Riga/Moscow: J. Deubner. Šiško, Silvija (1981). J. G. Wilkens Printing Office in Riga (1675-1713).” – Aspects of Library Science: Book – Reader – Library – Bibliography, 5 (X). Riga: Avots, 132-156. Staris, Alfred (2011). “The 800th Anniversary of Riga Domskola.” – Krūze, Aida; Kester, Iveta; Zigmunde, Alida (comp.), Rīga Domskola and early education in the Baltic: a collection of scholarly papers from an international conference: Rīga, 2-3 2011. In December. Riga: RaKa, 34-59. Stradiņš, Jānis (2000). "Intellectual History of Latvia and Riga in the Sixteenth Century: Foundations and Contradictions." – Zinātnes Vēstnesis, 20 (207). Riga. (http://www.lza.lv/ZV/zv002000.htm#7) Stradiņš, Jānis (2012). The beginning of science and universities in Latvia. 2nd Edition. Riga: Publication of the Latvian Institute of History.

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Taimina, Aija (2011). "Materials on the Cathedral in the Academic Library of the University of Warsaw - the oldest public library in the Baltic States (1524)." - Kruze, Aida; Kester, Iveta; Zigmunde, Alida (comp.), Rīga Domskola and early education in the Baltic: a collection of scholarly papers from an international conference: Rīga, 2-3 2011. In December. Riga: RaKa, 201-213. Dove, Matt (1990). “Riga typographer and editor G. Šrēders.” – Bulletin of the Latvian Academy of Sciences, 6, 38–44. Zander, Ojar (1988). The typographer Mollīns and his time: the first books printed in Riga. Riga: Science. On the History of the Governorate of Gymnasiums in Riga 1675-1888 (1888). Riga: Print works by W. F. Häcker.

Abstract The changes in intellectual life that spread across Europe in the 15th and 16th centuries also reached the northeastern areas and spread to Livonia and its center, Riga, in the 16th century. As elsewhere in Europe, humanistic ideas flourished in Livonia, classical languages ​​were studied and the values ​​of ancient culture were acquired - albeit to a different extent. In two educational institutions in Riga - Dome School and Riga Lyceum - Latin and Greek language and literature were studied alongside other important subjects such as logic, history, rhetoric, etc.: the works of ancient Greek poets and writers and Romans, rhetoricians and philosophers, etc. Famous people worked in these schools, who not only studied and taught others, but also created various works. They wrote various texts in prose and poetry, wrote scientific treatises and essays. Dedicatory poems for various important occasions (e.g. weddings, funerals), congratulatory texts in dissertations, etc. were written not only in Latin but also in Greek. A certain part of these texts have survived to this day and are kept in the library of the University of Latvia, which now houses the collections of the University Library and the Academic Library (the oldest public library in the Baltic (1524)). . A particularly large variety of texts from the 16th to 17th centuries, mainly in Latin but also in Greek, can be found in the collection of the Academic Library. Until now, these treasures have received little or no academic attention, with only a few sporadic exceptions. The general corpus of these texts, their volume, nature and variety have not been studied systematically. The article gives an insight into the corpus, especially the occasional poetry corpus.

HUMANISTIC GREEK IN MODERN ESTONIA AND LIVONIA: THE CONTEXTS AND MAIN GENRES* Janika Päll

What's better than reading and understanding Greek authors, the Greek New Testament itself, and other famous Greek authors in their original languages? Chr. Jheringius, Oratio 1644: C2r.

1. Introduction: The Beginnings of Greek Research in Early Modern Estonia, Livonia, and Kuronia The large-scale Christianization of the northeastern Baltic, corresponding to the areas of present-day Estonia and Latvia, began with the Northern Crusades.1 The number of sources ca Education and literary culture in Tartu (Dorpat), Tallinn (Reval) and Riga cathedral schools and monasteries from the period between the 13th and mid-16th centuries is not large,2 but it seems to prove that Greek before the Reformation

* This article was written with grant support PUT 132 from the Estonian Research Council “Humanistic Greek in Modern Estonia and Livonia – A Bridge to Past and Contemporary Europe” (01/01/2013 – 31/12/2016). I would like to thank Jürgen Beyer, Martin Steinrück, Katre Kaju, Aija Taimiņa, Indrek Hinrikus, Tua Korhonen, Raili Marling and various librarians in Germany, Sweden, Finland, Latvia, Russia and Estonia, especially the University of Tartu library. For the term “humanistic Greek,” see the introduction to this volume. 1 For the Northern Crusades and general history of countries around the Baltic Sea, see Meyer 2013, Palmer 2006, Wittram 1973:1–124 or Mühlen 1994ab. Borrowing from many historians, notably Arvo Tering (2007, 2008, 2016), I will consider early modern Estonia, Livonia and Courland, all collectively influenced by German, Swedish, Danish, Polish and Russian cultures, but I will focus on the focus of Tartu and Tallinn. 2 On the Tartu Dome School, see Lukas 1998, Overview of early times in Tallinn, Klöker 2005a: 99–117, for Riga Stradiņš 2012: 69–140, Schweder 1885.

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not much was learned in schools in the northeastern Baltic States.3 The Reformation brought a reorganization of the Tallinn city school in 1528, and by the 1550s elementary Greek was being introduced into the program and at least some local German and Estonian boys who they became future vicars raised on humanistic principles.4 In the late 1540s, Estonia's long-forgotten first humanistic poet, Gregor Krüger, came from Germany with high hopes of a career in the church. Unfortunately, he was unable to find a permanent position as a vicar and retrained himself as a jurist, apparently also abandoning his poetic aspirations, causing his Greek (and Latin) poetry to go unnoticed for over four centuries.5 We will return to Kruger below, but at the beginning of my In this article, I would like to argue that his failure as a humanist (Greek) poet was not due to possible deficiencies in his poetic skills or his marginal status6, but to an inadequate support system: secondary schools that offered classical education and instruction in ancient Greek and an educated public, including clergy, civil servants, nobles, and/or merchants.7 Once academic secondary schools and the university, with its printing presses, were established, 8 the number of composite works (printed and handwritten) ) in humanistic Greek increased; with the decline or closure of secondary schools (due to wars or plagues), these numbers have declined (see Figure 1 below). The late and brief flowering of humanistic Greek in 17th-century Estonia and Latvia

See Päll 2005: 87-92, Päll 2010: 117-120, partially outdated according to current knowledge. High of 1986: 36-38. For the period, see Asche et al. 2009–2012 (especially Loit 2009, Tarvel 2011, Klöker 2011). 5 Krüger was not mentioned in Klöker 2005ab or Klöker 2011; Accounts of his poems and biographies (Päll 2005: 89, Päll 2010: 118–119, Päll 2015: 42–49) need to be updated in light of new findings, see below. 6 Klöker 2005a gives a good overview of the constant movement of scientists in both directions. The exchange between Baltic Germans in Estonia and Latvia and the German homeland lasted until 1939. 7 See Klöker's (2005a) analysis of literary life in Tallinn in the early 17th century. 8 Except in Riga, where Greek texts could not be printed initially (after the printing press was founded) due to lack of sufficient Greek typefaces, cf. the reference to Johannes Rivius' complaints (Orationes tres, 1597) in Berziņa 2018 (in this volume). 9 It is late compared to Central Europe (particularly German-speaking countries), where the highest peak of Greek scholarship was in the late 16th century 2016: 119–120), although the 17th century was very important on a larger scale. broader (Ben-Tov 2009: 130, 220, Pontani 2017: 321–331). A second bloom occurred in Great Britain in the late 18th century (Päll 2017b, 2018). 4

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to high schools and later to universities,10 and where not only administrative documents, religious works and school manuals were printed and distributed, but also the results of poetic activity. Active in the mid-16th century, Krüger seems to have been ahead of his time in influencing the tradition of Greek (or Latin) humanist poetry in Estonia. Lutheran school reform in Estonia was complicated by the Livonian War (1558-1583), which hit Tartu particularly hard.11 Even after the war, early attempts to change school programs did not bring about dramatic changes in Greek instruction.12 Founded during the period However, with the Catholic Reformation, the Vilnius Jesuits had a seminary in Riga and a school in Tartu, which included a translators seminary, a college and a primary school (active intermittently from 1583 to 1625). Among other things, Greek was taught at this school.13 After Livonia (including southern Estonia) became a Swedish possession, the Jesuits left the country, but it seems that their presence ensured the continuation of studies in Tartu: in 1630 , but a government was needed. Lutheran ministers and officials from the newly acquired provinces opened a new secondary school, which was soon converted into an academy. This academy (Academia Gustaviana Dorpatensis) began operating in 1632 on the premises of the (now closed) Jesuit seminary.14 In 1631 academic lyceums were opened in Tallinn and Riga (due to the reforms of the city's schools). 15 Shortly after opening, Tartu Academy and Tallinn Grammar School began printing work, with printers being invited from Germany (either directly or via Sweden).16 Although most books were exported and teachers and even students were invited from abroad, 17 life began to blossom. According to melanchthon school regulations, classical languages ​​(with something like the 10th

Skipping primary and secondary school was always possible (particularly for the children of nobles), see Klöker 2005a: 217–347. For the conflict between school programs and reality, see Päll 2017a: 443–480. 11 See Laidre 2008: 13–199. 12 Cf. note 3 above and Klöker 2005a: 99–118, for Riga, Berziņa 2018 and Schweder 1885. 13 For an overview of Greek studies at Jesuit Seminary Dorpat (based on Helk 1977), see Päll 2005: 89–90. 14 Cf. Tarvel 1980: 100 and the map in Asche et al. 2011(3): 101-102. 15 See Hansen 1881: 3–4 (the primary school was established in 1630, actual work began in 1631), for Riga see Stradiņš 2012: 140 and Schweder 1885. 16 Tartu Printing House started work in 1632, Tallinn in 1634 became the Rigaer Printing Works already opened in 1588. See Piirimäe 1982:23–71, Inno 1972, Kaju ed. 2014, Stradiņš 2012: 139. On book trade and libraries in the Baltic provinces, see Kivimäe 2016: 86–93, Lotman ed. 2011, Kõiv and Reimo eds. 2006 (incl. Reimo 2006, Aarma 2006). 17 Cf. Tering 1984: 17–59 (for Tartu Academy) and Klöker 2005a: 379–476 (over the entire region focusing on Tallinn).

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Hebrew) were taught at the Academy of Tartu and at the Academic Gymnasiums of Reval and Riga.18 In addition to linguistic studies, numerous poems and prose texts were written and printed in humanistic Greek (along with the usual Latin). The following discussion attempts to take a fresh look at humanistic Greek19 and provide an overview of the various genres and text types that fall into this category, from editions representing scholastic humanism20 to various compositions in that language (from independent works to para- and occasional texts). , both poetry and prose). The focus will be on Tallinn and Tartu-Pärnu, i. H. in higher education institutions operating on the territory of the present Republic of Estonia. For the state of research in Latvia, see Gita Berziņa's article in this volume.

2. The beginning of personal poetry – a forest genius As mentioned in the introduction, the beginning of humanistic (Greek) poetry in Estonia is linked to one person: Gregor Krüger Mesylanus. He chose a typically humanistic name for himself, based on the Greek translation of the name of his birthplace Mitte(n)walde in Berlin-Brandenburg (μέσ- + ὕλη) with a Latin ending remained unedited into the 21st century and now awaits restoration to in order to be accessible again.22 This manuscript contains three autographed copies of a series of five Greek poems in different meters and a long elegy in Latin (Manes patris defuncti pro nato, 646 verses),23 which the author sent to Tallinn 18

See revised statutes and annual programs in Vasar 1932 (Tartu Academy), Hansen 1881 and Kaju 2014 (Tallinn Gymnasium) and Klöker 2005a: (219–236 for Tallinn Trivial School). For Riga, see Schweder 1885. 19 General reviews of humanism often tend to ignore Greek studies, eg. 20 For the term, see Storchová 2014: 13–43. 21 At first, I read his name as “Mesilanus” because of the strong resemblance of the letter “ÿ” to “ij” in the manuscript (Päll 2005: 89). Correctly reading one letter, and therefore the entire name, allowed me to find an impression of Wittenberg with his poetry and to attribute him an epicide to Johann Hobing (see below). 22 Tallinn City Archives, TLA 230.1, B.O.10, f.1–27 (in earlier discussions, 2–27; the temporarily displaced title page (which dates from a much later period) has been preserved along with the rest of the manuscript since February of 2017). For a brief discussion see Päll 2005, 2010, 2015, manuscript editing is in preparation. Thanks to the members of the Freiburg seminar organized by Chr. Flüeler and Liivi Aarma for earlier discussions on this manuscript. 23 F.2-6; f.7-11; f.12–16 (Greek collections), f.17r–27r (Latin elegy). The three autographic copies in the Greek collection are not entirely identical and contain autograph corrections.

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(Reval) Town Hall (see below, Fig. 1 and 2).24 According to the author, the poems were written in Berlin (Urbe Arctoa, Berolini) in the years 1554 and 1555.25 The biobibliographical data on Krüger are summarized in 22 lines in the biographical lexicon of northern Estonian clergy: origin (Mitte(n)walde in Brandenburg), date of enrollment in Wittenberg (December 1541), known offices in Tallinn (Reval) in the Michaeliskirche (1548). , 1551–1552)26 and his registration as a citizen of Tallinn as M. Gregor Krüger on 22 September 1558. From his letters we also know that he was in Germany at least between 1553 and 1555; Aarma's overview adds a brief comment about him as a quarrelsome and scheming person, and refers to his letters in German to Tallinn City Council.27 Krüger's poetry is not easily categorized. Due to the address and appeals to Tallinn City Council, as well as references to the writing context28, his Greek and Latin poems could be interpreted as poetic letters following the rules of Horace's Latin epistolary poetry or the Greek tradition of Gregory of Nazianzus, although both the longer poems follow their meter and the melancholy character can also be qualified as elegies. exile. on the 24th

F.11v served as the outer cover when the manuscript was folded into a letter and bears the address (senatoribus urbis Revaliae in Livonia) and remains of a postmark. 25 Each of the four parts of the manuscript is signed and dated separately (although probably sent together as a letter, as only one side bears the address): f.6v, f.11v: Gregorius Crugerus Mesylanus, studiosus iuris et philosophie; f.16v: Greg Krug. F.11v gives time and place of composition: d. October 14, 1554 Berolini, f.16v contains an observation: scripsi hoc carmen sub festo d. Martinij, and f.27r refers to Berlin (Urbe Arctoa, die 14 February 1555). For Bär-lin as the city of the Great Bear (Ἄρκτος) already for Melanchthon (in some of his letters to the Berlin pastor Georg Buchholzer (praepositus in Urbe Arctoa), in Corpus Reformatorum Bd.7, Bretschneider 1840: 230, 328, , 365 and 516, 1011), see also Egli 1872: 104; Unger 2000: 8. 26 Founds a Cistercian monastery. The nuns had converted to Lutheranism and were allowed to remain in the convent, which continued in activity until 1629. 27 Aarma 2007: 158. See also Paucker 1849: 371 and Arbuzov 1914: 75. The poems, their studies abroad and disputes are mentioned in Krüger's German letters to the Tallinn City Council of February and May 1555 (Tallinn City Archives, vol. 230.11(12), fol. 240-242). 28 See the theoretical discussions in Segebrecht 1977: 1–10, 68–81. 29 On the popularity of Ovid and Horace, as well as Catullus, Propertius and Tibullus, see IJsewijn, Sacré 1998: 76–78, 80–82. The influence of Roman literature is not uncommon in humanistic Greek poetry, evident in the use of metric models by Horace rather than Sappho (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005:696–697), the use of Latin quotations as the basis of Greek poems or proginasms (see below) and the translations of Roman authors into Greek (humanist), a practice that also requires a longer overview (Päll, Valper 2014: 32; cf. Weise 2016: 161–164 for the translations of German classics); . . . .

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At the same time, his shortest Greek poems belong to the lyric category, both in the ancient Alexandrian genre (since Krüger used lyrical meters) and in the modern sense, due to the expression of the innermost feelings of the person-author. The author's self-identification as a lyrical subject is, however, accompanied by certain didactic and epistolary features mentioned above, leading to a result that does not fit Scaliger's clearly defined set of poetic genres, as described in Poetices libri septem and printed in 1561 , a few years after Kruger was writing his collection. Although popular and even Latin poetry, expressing and describing the author's personal feelings, in the mid-16th century various paratexts (dedications, introductions, resumes) in Greek, speeches, sermons or biblical paraphrases, even epic poetry, but rarely so - called Intimate, personal poetry. Krüger's cycle of Greek poems includes five poems:30 1) an elegy titled (greeting): εὖ πράττειν (188 lines); 2) Ἄτη in iambic dimeres (32 lines, organized into 4-line stanzas); 3) Λιτή (36 lines in sapphic stanzas) 4) Περιστερὴ ἄχολος 31 (36 lines in epodic couplets of iambic trimeter and iambic dimeter); 5) Σελήνη ἄφθονος (16 lines, presented as stanzas of 4 lines; the meter is Asklepiadic verse, defined by the author as choriambic dipods). This series of poems (308 stanzas in all) has a balanced structure, based on alternating dactylic-choriambic and iambic metrical patterns, with the long introductory elegy followed by four shorter strophic poems. The cycle gives the impression of an almost musical form: variations in different small genres are based on the same theme and express the author's longing for home, his desire to teach and lead a community, and a fierce attack from his envious enemies who pretend to be false. . The opening elegy describes the poet's suffering and at the same time appeals to the Tallinn city council for positive change. The poem starts with

30

The three different manuscripts of Greek poetry survive together, their texts being mostly, but not quite, the same: occasionally a word in manuscript A was replaced by its synonym in manuscript B or C, or vice versa; The spelling can also be different. As all three copies are in the author's hands and have been signed separately, it is impossible to identify any one of them as the original or "original" manuscript. 31 With an alternative title and synonym on f.15v: Πελιὰς ἄχολος.

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a greeting address εὖ πράττειν (represented as a title), but this and the other addresses remain general and use only the second person plural pronoun (ὑμεῖς) and never any names. The author refers to the bad news from home (Reval), where his envious and malicious adversaries try to prevent his return, v.33–34: ἐ & iges ἐ & ἐ & iges ἐ & ἐ & iges ἐ & ἐ & iges ἐ & ἐ & iges ἐ & ἐ & iges ἐ & ggr; ὼ & ἄ & gam; You twist every stone with your hands and legs so I never see the day I come home.

These verses combine a proverbial expression "Leave no stone to" (πάντα λίθον κίνειν) with two ηomer formulas (χερσίν τε ποσίν τε 'with hands and legs', effects νόσ ἦμαρ ἰ ἰ ἰ ἰμαρ ἰ 1. tay to the tags). tay the the tay to the Typical of Renaissance and humanist poetry, we see a combination of the use of classical mythology and expressions from ancient poetry and a Christian and contemporary theme, for example in a stereotyped expression V. 27, which describes the author's enemies : φρένας εἵλετο μητιέτα Ζεύς (“The thoughts were taken from the wise Zeus”).32 The central part of Kruger's elegy is devoted to the example of Christ, who was accused and attacked by envious Jews - Persona draws parallels between his own position and fate of the Savior, lamenting the exclusion of his vocation: to preach the words of God, which is happening Ssen had fallen into the hands of the unworthy colleagues, as in VV.75–77 and VV.87–88: ῶ ἀλιτέσθ᾿ ἐθέλει εἰ διδαχήν τις ἑοῦ ὑμεῖς ἀγαθοί κ διδάαλοί ἐ ἐ ἐ ἐ? Now, of all things, there is nothing worse than wanting to sin against his doctrine. Yes, are you the good and beautiful teachers? . Now you cry too much among the people for preventing Satan's evil deeds that you crave.

Fittingly for a graduate of the University of Wittenberg, Krüger sees nothing worse than the distortion of God's teaching (we see the focus on correct teaching in 32

Cf. Iliad 9.377. The combination of Christian and classical is generally accepted, for Tallinn (but excluding Greek poetry from the discussion) see Klöker 2005a; for Tartu, Commentaries on Greek (and Latin) Authors in O'Dorpat. For such trends in German Greek poetry, see Ludwig 1998, Weise 2011, Weise 2016, see also Weise ed. 2017.

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also in his long Greek discourse, see below), which he regards as an evil of Satan. Krueger does not name his enemies, but emphasizes that their hearts are filled with envious reproaches and hatred33 and that they cannot accept his God-given talent and excellence.34 He ends the elegy by asking the city council to address him favorably35 and listen Oration, the daughter of the great Zeus (a personification of Homer's Iliad 9.502), who reappears later in the 3rd poem.36 the main themes of the opening elegy, describing the conflict between envious enemies and the persona of the righteous author, and his victory last predicts. The third poem (Λιτή 'prayer') is a prosopopoeum of prayer (reminiscent of the end of the elegy), referring to the author in the third person, describing the devastating consequences of the hostilities and her benevolence towards the recipients,37 den pastors, stressed . Prayer asks the pastors to remember that they are faithful and steady messengers of the divinely inspired Scriptures,38 exhorting them to be good towards the author: Δεῦτε οὖν καλοὶ ἀγανοὶ τε ἄνδρες κλῦτε μοῦ εὔχοντος ὑπεὶρ ἐκείνου ἴσχετ᾿ ἐν θυμῷ κότον ὥς φέροντες μοὶ ἐπίηρα. Here, you good and kind men, hear me as I pray for him: quell the anger in your hearts to give me a pleasant gift.

33

V.93-94; κῆρ᾿ ἔνδοθέν ἐστι στιγερίας στιγερίνης / миσεος ἠδὲ πληνος ("The inner heart is filled with abominable jealousy and hatred"). 34 V.134-135: among you some envy my fame (kudos), the fame that nobility has given me among the nations' ), ​​​​which, without borrowing precise phrases, seems to allude to the Homeric conflict between Achilles and Agamemnon . 35 V.186: Amfiepesthai ἐμὲ prapidessi filofrosi lisso (“I ask you to follow me in good spirit”). 36 V.188: And hear the prayer, daughter of mighty Zeus. The allusion to the personification of prayer in the Iliad is supported by a modified quote from Iliad 9505 in v.187. 37 V.12: φιλτατοι ἀνδρες ἐμοι ὑμῶν ('Among you, the men favorite to me'), V.21 δ δε μοι φότες κεχ & σμένη τε ('Again 38 V.2-24: And the friends now think about it, think about it now, preachers of God-inspired words who are faithful and steadfast (“And remember now that you are dear messengers of God-breathed words, faithful and steadfast”).

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SICK. 1. Gregor Krueger. Greek and Latin poems. (Tallinn City Archives, TLA 230.1. B.O.10, f.16r.).

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The almost stereotypical phrase at the end of the poem (φέροντες μοὶ ἐπίηρα) recalls Homer's epics, in which the addressees of ἐπίηρα are the gods and in which prayer is personified. In the context of humanistic Greek poetry, however, it is tempting to read the prayer at the same time as the Prosopopeia of the Virgin Mary. back to the first human being who wants to be meek like the dove in Matthew's Gospel (ch. 10:16), who knows no enmity. He emphasizes that God originally created man's mind in His own perfect image40 and ends the poem with another exhortation to the shepherds (messengers of God) to abandon hatred and become meek in heart. In the last, fifth poem of the Greek cycle, the author expresses his desire to be like the moon without envy. This is the thematic culmination and conclusion of the cycle:41 Σελήνη ἄφθονος Μήνη ὡς καὶ ἐγὼ λευκώλενος δίχα ἔχθους ἀργαλέους ἔμμεναι εὔχομαι ἀνθρώποις ὀκυμώροισι [!] καλὸν φάος ὀρφναίην διὰ νύκτ᾿ ἣ φορέω ἀεί 5

10

39

For there is no body that is a shadow, for they shine [!] Polycopper from the sky, I envy them because they grow and shine like the sun. But in heaven, perhaps by the grace of Cidisto and God, I have a tooth of light, great Teleuges, and for this woman I am a saddle taken from here, because I am a saddler.

I would also like to see it as a reference to Artemis as the Virgin Mary, since Artemis is often referred to in ancient literature as Dios Kore (eg Eur. Hipp. 15) and is also seen as a prefiguration of the Virgin (cf. . Merlini 2011). Although Kore is often used as an epithet for the Virgin Mary, I have not been able to find a parallel for Dios Kore as the Virgin Mary in humanistic Greek texts (yet?). 40 in B.C. 19–22: κἄγωγε σημαίνω ... / ἄχραντον ἀνθρώπου ὃς στήθεσιν φρένα / ἔτευolz 41 The three manuscripts differ slightly, see note 31 the present text is based on f.16r in uniform spelling. The Greek text with Estonian translation and discussion is also published in Päll 2015:45–47.

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These preachers are witnesses to sacred myths and followers of God as they envy each other the grace of Pandora and Oictirmon by God.

Title p. 6, 16 p.m. coriambo; v.1 p.16 missing καὶ; λευκόλενος; v.2 p.6 et 11 ἐχθρούς: ρ destroyed; p. 6 ἀργαλέου; v.3 p.11 ὀκυμόροισι: he corrected ὀ em ω; V.4 p.6, 11 and 16 νήκτ'; v.5 p.6v, 16 οὐ; p.11 ᾿Ουδὲν; v.6 p.7, 11 p. 16 Αστράσσιν; V.7 p.7, 11 missing πω, p.16 πω; v.9 f.7, 11 ὑψιβρεμέτω; v.10 p.11 κυδίστω τε θέω; v.11 p.16 δ'; v.12 p.7, 11 Heaven'; 16v λειψάμενόςγε; f.11v no end: Take good care of these few and few things and others that are much and better. Farewell to Berlim, October 14, in the year of the salvation of 1554. || I wish the reader to know that in the works given I wisely neglected the omissions in the vogues and repeated the same saying, but knowing that this was not done out of habit; f.7v, f.11v Gregorius Kruger Mesÿlanus, student of law and philosophy; f.16v I wrote this poem logo apos to feast of d. March Gregor Krug.

The moon without envy I pray to be without painful hatred, like the white-armed moon that always brings beautiful light to the young in the dark night; as if I were without a shadowy body, among the stars in the bronze sky of Zeus, I am not envious of the bright and far more powerful rays of the sun that bring light to mortals, but I am even more grateful to the thunderous, venerable god who gave you the strong and far-reaching light, so that I, receiving my splendor from him, might also bring light. Such messengers of God's holy words and gifts should not envy one another, but should be grateful to the all-giving and merciful God.

The main theme of the poem is the belief that the moon gets its light from the sun.42 Rather than astronomy, Kruger focuses on the contrast between the bright sun and the slightly less bright moon. The personified images of the sun and the moon act as a counter-example that illustrates the context of the writing and the main theme of the poem: the fights between the shepherds (the

42

Already in Anaxagoras, fr. 42.25, 76.2 and Anaximenes, fr. 16.3,

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messengers of the Scriptures) and the Author, all caused by envy. Krüger's moral is simple: give up envious thoughts and be happy with your own, smaller, but important place. The diction in this poem (as in the previous ones) is very typical of humanist Greek poetry: Krüger freely uses the epithet and other words of pagan authors, such as a generic Homeric epithet λευκώλενος or similar (πολυχάλκου Διὸς οὐράνου Διὸς ονουρά). of Zeus', ϕαεσιμβρότου 'coloring', ὑψιβρεμέτῳ 'thundering from on high' or σελασφόρος 'bringing light'). The Homeric epithet of Zeus, ὑψιβρεμέτης ("thunder from on high"), is widely used in Greek Christian authors and in humanistic Greek poetry for God, but some of the epithets used, such as οἰκτίρμων ("merciful") and πάνδωρος ('bestowal') occur only in Christian texts, not in pagan authors. Kruger's verses are based on the quantitative system as in ancient Greek poetry, but he takes many liberties (like Christian authors): he does not always avoid hiatus 43, as the rules of classical poetry require, and he occasionally makes mistakes in the number of vowels. . 44 However, his verses have a crude charm that authors of more polished and much less emotional casual poetry often lack. Krüger's attempt to sway the heart of the Tallinn City Council was unsuccessful, his poetry isolated and atypical of the region. He tried once more to establish himself as a humanist poet, published a long religious discourse in hexameters (see below) and then began to pursue new goals. He did not entirely lose his connections with the Tallinn clergy, however, and in 1558 he probably also wrote a Greek (as well as a Latin) epicide for the vicar of St Nicholas Church, Johann Hobing (Hobingk, Hobbing) of Westphal.45 For the next example However, from then on we have to wait until 1617

43

Consciously, as he says in the statement accompanying his signature on f.11v of the manuscript. 44 As in v.1 λευκώλενος — — ∪ — (instead of the obligatory — ∪ —), originally written in manuscript λευκόλενος, but later corrected by the author himself. 45 Hobing enrolled at the University of Göttingen on 1 August 1545 (Erler 1910: 5) and died in 1558. The Greek poem (now lost) on paper was displayed as an appendix to the Latin poem in the epitaph of Hobing's portrait in the Church of St. Nicholas (Niguliste) in Tallinn and still existed in 1857 (Ripke 1857: 559-560). The poem for Hobing (Hobbing) is mentioned without indicating the author in Klöker 2005a: 107 (as well as Päll 2010: 118, notes 10 and 11), the Latin poem is transcribed in Nottbeck, Neumann 1904: 84–85 ff Ripke. Ripke (1857:560) mentions that the Greek poem was signed Gregorio Mesylaeo [probably erroneously pro:Mesylano] Marchico and erroneously attributes it to Georg Mülberg, the faculty of the Tallinn Trivial School. The Latin epitaph-poem (written in the first person) for Hobing may have been written by the late vicar himself, but a better candidate for authorship is Krüger, the author of his Greek counterpart. The Latin poem is still intact (see Ehasalu 2006: 61-63 with

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Humanistic Greek poetry by an "Estonian" author46 and until 1632 for humanistic Greek poetry created and printed in Estonia.

3. School humanism 3.1 Greek textbooks in Tartu Far from the great centers of learning, philological editions and commentaries on biblical or ancient Greek texts that appeared until the late 18th and early 19th centuries are not to be expected in Estonia and early Livonia of the modern era.47 Some However, textbooks, mainly Latin and rhetoric, appeared in Riga and Tallinn, and several Greek textbooks were printed in Tartu. These were published in successive years between 1646 and 1649 and funded by their author, the professor of Greek at the Gustavian Academy, Johannes Gezelius the Elder (1615-1690), who came to Estonia from Sweden, where he studied at the Gymnasium of Västerås and Uppsala University.48 Greek scholarly editions of Tartu by Gezelius include: Poemata Pythagorae, Phocylidis & Theognidis with a Latin translation of Theognis by Ph. Melanchthon (1646),49 Grammatica Graeca (1647),50 the translation of

the photo). For the epitaph, see https://kunstimuuseum.ekm.ee/en/?attachment_id=9530 (last accessed 11 Apr 2017). 46 The Hexameter Congratulation of the Magister Ericus von Beeck (1588–1650) on the dispute of Heinrich Vestring, printed at Rostock in 1617 (No. 47 The Lucian editions of Johann Peter Schmid, printed in cooperation with Hinzius at Mitau (Kuronien) and Sommer in Leipzig (1776–1800), as well as several New Testament books by Christian Friedrich Matthaei, printed by Breitkopf in Leipzig and Hartknoch in Riga (1782–1788), nos. 2922, 2965, 2966, 3013 and 3182, 3214, 3219, 3236, 3349, 3360, 3562 in the National Bibliography of Latvia (Šiško 2013) However, these works were not written by teachers working in Livonia or Kuronia and therefore cannot be considered as reflections of local philology, but rather as examples of subcontracting or cooperation between Germans and Baltic (German) printers.48 He was professor of Greek at the Academy from 1642 to 1649. For Gezelius's career, see Korhonen 2004: 89–90 (in Finnish), Päll 200 5: 93, see also Kolk 2018. 49 No. 514 in t he Bibliography of the Tartu Prints by Jaanson (2000). 50 No.533 in Jaanson 2000. In Riga it was announced the publication of Thomas Hakendorff (Hegendorp, director of the school in Riga) Introduction to Greek (Elementa Graecae Linguae, 1594, see Recke, Napiersky 1829:306, Schweder 1885:61) , but it is unclear whether it was ever printed (at least not in Riga).

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Comenius' Ianua linguarum for Greek (1648)51 and Lexicon Graeco-Latinum for the study of the New Testament (1649); The latter began with a lengthy dedication in Greek to Queen Christina, including a brief history of the Greek language and programmatic statements on the usefulness of studying the Greek language.52 Gezelius' later career in the Swedish Lutheran Church took him away from Tartu and eventually oriented him to Turku (Åbo), where he became bishop and governor of Finland. He reprinted most of his Greek editions there (with the exception of the Comenius translation) and also published a small compendium of Aesop's Fables, John Posselius's Greek dialogues, and an annotated edition of the Greek pericopes of the New Testament. and concise textbooks (eg Melanchthon's manuals). According to Kaspar Kolk, he probably took unsold copies of his textbooks with him when he left Tartu,54 so it seems that the tradition of publishing textbooks in Greek arrived and left Estonian soil with Gezelius.55 3.2 Evidences of humanistic education: Albumen Inscriptions, Letters and Exercises in Greek Krüger's collection of manuscripts of Greek poems can be seen as a humanistic letter in verse, although in his case the poetic function seems to outweigh the other purposes of similar humanistic letters. Some other much shorter texts are less poetic. In the 1550s, a Franziscus Tetzelerus of Einbeck sent a letter in Greek and Latin verse to Tallinn asking for a subsidy.56 Since the address to the city council is general and there are no specific references to the writing situation, we do not know why. he chose Tallinn and whether he sent the same application elsewhere. But the context seems strikingly similar to modern times, where young graduates are more or less applying

51

At the. 596 in Jason 2000. This was a third translation of Ianua (first published in Latin in 1631) into Greek. The first Greek translations were by Theodor Simon, who had great success in Europe (first published in Amsterdam by Elzevier in 1642) and Zacharias Schneider (Leipzig 1642). A study is being prepared by Gezelius on both. 52 No.616 in Jason 2000. 53 See Korhonen 2004: 89–99 and the Finnish National Bibliography. 54 See Kolk 2018 (in this volume). 55 Although the copies sold probably continued to be used in Estonian schools, the translation of Gezelius of Ianua was specifically recommended as a textbook in the 1648 Tallinn Gymnasium Program (Põldvee 2009: 272). 56 Tallinn City Archives, TLA, 230. B.O.10, Bl.54r–v. I owe the information to a note in Klöker 2005a: 111.

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everywhere until they find a suitable post. In 1707, Johann Adam Weigel sent a letter in Greek prose asking for a position in the congregation of Torma (which he received a few years later, in 1710).57 The use of Greek in these letters was due to the function, the excellence, of the author and its suitability for a charge or scholarship. This also applies to Ericus Castelius's application for a scholarship at the Gustavian Academy in 1695.58 While studying at the Gustavo-Carolina Academy on a state scholarship, Castelius also wrote a Greek chreia based on a quotation from Ovid.59 Mutual recognition of membership in Humanistic scholarly community was established also expressed by albumin inscriptions. The numerous Greek albumin inscriptions of Estonian literati attest that this practice was popular.60

57

In the Swedish State Archives RA Livonica II-417. I thank Dr Kai Tafenau of the Estonian National Archives in Tartu for the photo and information (email to author 05/09/2012). According to this Greek letter to the superintendent (Gabriel Skragge), signed at Pärnu on February 6, 1707, he came from Verden near Bremen (which at that time belonged to the Kingdom of Sweden) and, as a scholarship holder of the Swedish king (he is probably Johann Adam Weigel of Verden, degree at the University of Leipzig in the winter semester of 1689, in Erler 1909: 486). For Weigel, who had already been proposed as pastor in 1706, see Hiiemets 2014: 81 and Kõpp 1927: 214 (no biographical information). 58 From the Swedish State Archives, RA Livonica II-471. Thanks to Mag. Kaidi Kriisa (University of Tartu) for the photo and information. The letter/application was mentioned as possibly lost in Korhonen 2004:133. 59 Manuscript in the University of Tartu Library, f.7-35, f.3. See Chreia Päll 2012 (discussion of context, with English translation on p. 799) and Päll 2010: 135–138 (incl. facsimile, edition and German translation). 60 There is no survey of such Estonian or Estonian Greek inscriptions, although some inscriptions have been published: one by Olaus Moberg, professor of theology at the Gustavo-Carolina Academy, in Adam Andreas (Pastor in Riga) Album (Kaju 2011:322), by Reiner Brockmann, the teacher of Greek at the Tallinn Gymnasium in the Johannes Kniper album (Viiding 2011: 227, 252) or by Heinrich Vulpius, the rector of the Tallinn Gymnasium in the Hans Arpenbeck album (Klöker 2005a: 348). Some other inscriptions were included in the inventories, such as those by Johannes Cothenius of Kuressaare (Arensburg) in the album by Rötger Hemsing from Riga (Taimiņa 2013:24) or inscriptions by Gabriel Skrage and Michael Dau, professors at Tartu Academia Gustavo-Carolina, Bishop of Tallinn Joachim Salemann and Wilhelm Tollen, who stayed in Narva, all in Pastor Heinrich Brüningk's album from Narva (later Riga), see Taimiņa 2013:38–41. Some were not mentioned, for example, the inscriptions in the Johann Gerngros album by Daniel Sarcovius, professor at the Gustavo-Carolina Academy, and Michael Wittenberg, student of theology (Library of the University of Tartu, F 7-38, fol. 57v, fol 134r). For Finland, see Nuorteva 1983. I owe the reference to Nuorteva to Tua Korhonen's commentary.

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4. Scholarly tradition: disputes in Greek The practice of printing disputes in Greek is rare and even less researched.61 Recent evidence suggests that Johannes Gezelius picked up the practice at Västerås Gymnasium in Sweden, where he studied Tartu brought Gabriel Holstenius,62 who in turn time brought with it the tradition of Greek disputes from Germany,63 where he argued under Sigmund Evenius.64 The Greek disputes in Tartu had several responders, but were probably written by its president Gezelius, which belonged to two series: 9 pneumatological disputes of 1644– 1647 (7 preserved);65 28 theological disputes of 1649 (title pages only).66

Most of the respondents to these disputes were different, except for Ericus Munthelius, who participated in both series,67 and Christiernus Jheringius, who also participated in both series and gave an additional talk on

61

See also Friedenthal, Päll 2017 and Päll (in press). 62 Holstenius was interviewed in the Disputation over Aristotle, A Discussion of the Sophistic Refutations of Eveism (Halle: Petrus Faber, 1620), where he said. Like Praes, he published another Greek dispute when he became professor of Greek at Västerås, see: Gabriel Holstenius [P], Matthias Erici Aroseianer [r] ἡ περὶ τῆς ἀνδρίας [] δι & iges κατὰν ὸν ἀν το & iges. Discussion Discussion Discussion Discussion Discussion Discussion Discussion Discussion Discussion After Aristotle'. West: Olaus Olai 1627. Cf. also Fant 1775 (I): 52–55. 63 Of more than 67 Greek disputes (subjects ranging from medicine and philosophy (including philology, moral philosophy, military, pneumatology) to theology) from 1604 to 1724, most originated from German-speaking countries or (in the case of Sweden) can be considered a continuation of the German tradition. 64 Although Evenius' tenure at the Tallinn Gymnasium was brief, his influence continued through his students (eg Aggaeus Friderici in Riga, Timotheus Polus and Gebhard Himsel in Tallinn) Poultry 2009: 264–268). 65 Only 7 survive (nos. 421–423 (from 1644), 492–493 (from 1646) and 534–535 (from 1647) in Janson 2000). Fant had seen only 7 (Fant 1778 (IV): 210–211), which may indicate that the missing two were never printed. For a hypothesis on the existence of a tenth dispute, see Korhonen in this volume. The first Gezelius dispute was discussed in Friedenthal, Päll 2017 and edited, commented and translated by Janika Päll and Meelis Friedenthal as an appendix to this article. 66 Nos.617-644 in Janson 2000. Fant 1778 (IV): 111-112 knew only the title pages and doubted that all disputes had been printed. 67 No. 535 and 636 in Jaanson 2000. He was from Westmanland and studied in Västerås and Uppsala before matriculating in Tartu (31.10.1645) and then working in Livonia (see Tartu Matriculation No.617, Tering 1984: 229 ),

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Three biblical languages.68 Ericus Holstenius (1622–1669), a student of Verlius and later a professor of Greek, participated in Gefelius' series of pneumatological disputes and published a Greek dispute (συήτησις περὶ τῆς γἠς γἠς γἠ released in 1652 as Praeses. moral virtue in general'). However, Holstenius's choice of subject (Aristotelian ethics) reflects the traditions of the Evenius and Västerås Gymnasiums (and especially Latin disputes) rather than a direct influence from Gezelius.69 The practice of writing Greek disputes was consistent with 'Responsibility as Gezelius teacher of Greek: preparing future ministers to read the New Testament and the Fathers of the Church. Participation in disputes was probably also related to exercises in Greek composition, as many Greek poems testify.70

5. Longer Poems in Hexameters: Greek Verses In the case of Latin, debating in the arts department involved writing and presenting speeches in prose (and verse), often on the same subjects as the dissertations, but differing in form and distinctness of performance and /or writing context. This tendency, though to a much lesser extent, is also evident in the case of Greek. The course of study required proof of student successes. This function is important in students' speeches in Latin and Greek in honor of Saint Peter. Catherine of the Jesuit Seminary of Tartu (1599)71 and in speeches in Greek prose by students of the Riga Gymnasium

68

Us. 493, 629 and 492 in Jaanson 2000. He was from Södermanland and studied in Nyköping, Uppsala and Turku before matriculating in Tartu on 8 December 1643. Name Lillering (see Tartu Matriculation No.544, Tering 1984:218). 69 nº 492 and nº 735 in Jaanson 2000. Ericus Holstenius was the nephew of Gabriel Holstenius (see note 63 above) and studied in Västerås, Uppsala and Turku before matriculating in Tartu (8.10. 1644, nº 576 in Tering 1984). : 223). 70 The recipients and authors of the Gustavian Academy's congratulatory Greek poetry form several overlapping circles of friendship centered around the Greek teachers and some series of disputes, including Gezelius's Greek disputes about pneumatology and the series of disputes about the Gospel of John and the Psalms by theology professor Andreas Virginius. This was alluded to in Päll 2003, but seems to become even clearer in light of more recent evidence: fewer than 20 of the 77 Greek poems in the Gustavian Academy are not by or for Greek teachers or in any way connected with Greek language teaching and reading or theology. 71 See Helk 1977: 94 and 283, para 97.

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(1684)72 and possibly also from Tallinn (1664).73 A reference to a Greek speech by Zacharias Brenner is known from Tartu, but neither the title nor the exact date.74 On the Uppsala and Turku (Åbo)75 parallels as much like the lesser students of Germany, we can believe that writing and delivering speeches in Greek was a common part of higher education throughout the 17th century. The surviving Estonian Greek discourses are in verse (hexameter) and were written and published around 1553 by Gregor Krüger Mesylanus (see above), by Peter Götsch (the professor of Greek at Tartu Academy) in Tartu in 1633, and by David Cunitz (who became professor of poetry at the Tallinn Gymnasium in 1642) in Uppsala and Rostock. The speeches have something in common with the speech of Jonas Petri Kiörling, elected professor of Greek at the Gustavian Academy, who delivered it at Uppsala in 1662):76 His long Greek speeches were published at a time when authors were preparing for, or in negotiations for a position teaching Greek or poetry in secondary schools or, in Krüger's case, in the church. Although speeches had a different place in the curriculum than

72

According to the invitation, speeches by Andreas Schwartz of Riga and Johannes Vicellius of Libau (in Curonia) took place in Riga on June 2, 1684; they were probably not printed and lost, but the author of the invitation, Joachim Frisich, professor of law and mathematics at the Riga Gymnasium, presented a brief argument in Latin (Frisich 1684). 73 Katre Kaju refers to Reval Gymnasium Rector Jacob Müller's invitation with reference to future Greek and Hebrew declamations. The inaccuracy of the information makes it unclear whether these speeches were held on the same day or just expected in the future (cf. Müller 1664, Kaju 2014: 62-63). For invitations in Germany, see Johann Sebastian Midnight, Dissertatiuncula De Haematite Mystico, Sive De Salutifera Christi Passione, (Gera, [1660], VD17 125:011257M). 74 See Fant 1778 (V): 122, note b and Korhonen 2004: 461 (dated October 4, 1691, after Cederberg). 75 See the appendix in Sironen 2018 (in this volume) and Korhonen 2004:460–4 For Åbo, see, for example, Fant 1781(VI):2 (Gelsenius), Fant 1781(VIII):37 (Heerdhielm, et al. H. Schäfer in Korhonen 2004, not found) and Fant 1784 (XI): 87 (Justander). . . . In smaller schools such speeches were never printed, as the Greek speech by Ericus Andreae Omanius, the Greek reader at Skara, see Fant 1781 (VII): 26. 76 This speech by Jonas Petri Kiörling was delivered in Uppsala and published in Stockholm in 1662 Kiörling was elected professor of Greek at the Gustavian Academy Dorpatensis (see Fant 1781 (VII):23–26). However, he never actually started teaching at the academy, which was moved to Tallinn in 1656 but barely existed until 1665 (Klöker 2005a: 386–38). For some other speeches from Uppsala, see Fant 1781 (VII): 33 (speech by Laurentius Elingius), Fant 1777 (III): 104 (by Olivekranz and Lagerskiöld), Fant 1784 (XI): 95 (two speeches by Jonas Magni Montin ) . ). I would also like to add Fornelius' Eucharist of 1625, although in Fant 1776(II):66 it is not called "oratio", but "carmen graecum".

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For example, diploma disputes had a similar function: they served as proof of excellence, as a masterpiece.77 Depending on their real or intended context of execution, the verses can be seen as panegyrics (belonging to the epideictic genre). ; ,78 epyllia (for longer narratives), which may overlap with paraphrases of the Bible in verse (in Cunitz), occasional poems (usually epicedia or epithalamia),79 or dissertations in verse (in Krüger and Götsch) . The length of extant hexameter poems associated with or published in Estonia ranges from 186 to 596 verses. 5.1 Carmen de dignitate et excellentia doctrinae coelestis by Gregor Krüger Mesylanus Until the end of 2015, we only had knowledge of one manuscript by Gregor Krüger. The correct reading of his humanistic name Mesylanus initially led to a reference to a Greek poem printed by Gregor Krueger Mesylanus of the French State Library (Excellence of the Heavenly Doctrine, in Greek Heroic Verses') by Gregor Cruger, Wittenberg [1580]. 81 The full name of the author, Gregor Cruger Mesylanus Marchicus, is given on the title page of Carmen de Dignitate, as well as on that of the printer

77

For reasons for printing such works, see Tering 2008. For reasons for printing such works, see Tering 2008. As Paulinus' Finlandia, 1678 (reprinted in Korhonen, Oksala, Sironen eds 2000 Stockholm 1660), discussed in Korhonen 2004: 409 –414 or Queen Christina's coronation speech by Olaf Johann Agraeus (Serenissimae, Potentissimae Principi Christinae. Stockholm, 1650). ...] Dan. Jacobi Augusti of The Guardian [...] Dn. Johannis Caroli of the Guard. Stockholm 1663 and O.Swanberg, Catholic Church. ...Dn. Iohannis Loccani [...] Exequis. Stockholm 1678. Both are listed in Korhonen 2004 and Sironen 2018. Air appeared in Wittenberg (shelf mark: Xh 14545-1 from the Prussian State Library, | http://stabikat.de/DB=1/XMLPRS=N/PPN ?PPN=379361841). I am grateful to Eva Rothkirch of the Berlin State Library for confirming this book as a war loss in her email to the author dated December 15, 2015 (reply to query #10963220). 81 In SLUB Dresden, Lit.lat.rec. A388.45. The result came as a result of the search "Heroicis Versibus Graece Scriptum: All Fields" on 10/20/2016. It is now published as: http://digital. slub-dressen.de/workinspect/dlf/150151/1/). The date has now been corrected. 78

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SICK. 2. Gregor Krueger. Greek and Latin poems. (Tallinn City Archives, TLA 230.1. B.O.10, f. 11v.).

Greek Humanist in Early Modern Estonia and Livonia

SICK. 3. Gregor Krueger. A song about the dignity and excellence of heavenly teaching. Wittenberg [circa 1555]: Lufft. face sheet. (SLB Dresden).

77

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Name (Johannes Lufft), therefore, is arguably the same work as the now lost copy from the Prussian State Library. The correct publication date must be between 1551–1557, as the work is dedicated to Landmeister Heinrich von Galen of the Livonian Order (the autonomous branch of the Teutonic Order), where Galen was Magister from 1551 until his death in 1557.82 Another reference to Mesilano' The authorship and pre-date this is the handwritten dedication (only partially preserved) on the book's title page, which resembles the handwriting in the Tallinn manuscript (see figs. 2 and 3). Krüger's carmen de dignitate et excellentia doctrinae coelestis still awaits a long discussion. of a mixed congregation in Tallinn St. Michael's Church (which belonged to a convent and also included the nuns). His poem was dedicated to Heinrich von Galen, a Landmeister of the Livonian order with Lutheran sympathies. interfaith relations. The dedication to Galeno can be read as an advertisement for his desire to find a job in Riga (or Livonia in general). The poem itself mainly revolves around one theme: the correct doctrine of divine revelation, where "heavenly doctrine" is revealed through salvation history; its background is a violent interconfessional polemic, in which the question of knowledge is most important for Lutherans. having done so abandoned his poetic ambitions.

82

For von Galen, see Duellius 1727:1 1. The discovery is recorded in a two-line note in Päll 2015b:43 (n. 29). 83 We might classify it as a verse, but unlike the other Estonian examples it was not publicly recited, so it could also be called a 'longer religious ode' or 'theological dissertation in verse'. 84 Fenske, Lutz; Militzer, Klaus Ed. 1993: 248 (No. 282), Paul 1999: 162–163. 85 V.2 of his dedication see Krüger, Carmen de dignitate: A2r. 86 See Oftestad 2008: 612–614. See Summers 2016:11 and 409 for references to doctrina coelestis in Polanus (2.1.130) in the sense of "divine revelation" and Turretinus (Inst. theol. i.i.5) in the sense of "theology". For doctrina coelestis as theology in the Wittenberg statutes, see Wallmann 1961: 10, see also Francesco Torres (Turrianus), Dogmatici characteres 1561: 133v.

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5.2 Christognosia by Peter Götsch The Christognosia lattice (in 468.5 hexameters) by Peter Götsch of Rostock (printed in Tartu 1633) was given in September 1632 as an inaugural lecture as professor of Greek at the Gustavian Academy Dorpatensis.87 After a brief statement on the subject and an address to the public (vv. 1-4) tells the speech of two ways of life: those who fear and acknowledge God, and those who did not know Christ and do not live godly. The poem reveals his position as an advocate of orthodox Lutheranism.88 Götsch's speech reflects a tendency in the humanist Greek poetic tradition to draw less on direct antiquity and more on Christian tradition: in Christognosia he rarely borrows finished texts, verses from ancient Greece89 and their hexameters are non-Homeric. Firstly, Götsch (as in Krüger) does not systematically avoid hiatus (long vowel shock) to gain flexibility: when he needs a long syllable he does not avoid vowel shock, but at the same time uses metric abbreviations or omissions when he requires it. a short syllable. His use of the caesura is also not classic: he often uses the lion's caesura90 and does not avoid the caesura between the 2nd and 3rd foot. Third, Götsch tends to use very long (often compound) words, and therefore 4-word lines (tetracoli) are quite common in his poem, which differs from Homeric practice where such lines are rare and therefore semantically significant; this may be Nonnus's influence on his style.91 Götsch seems to have taken up from Rostock, his native university, the great tradition of Chytraei and other Hellenists such as Johannes Posselius, Lucas Lossius or Lorenz Rhodoman.92 But he also continues the tradition of

87

For biographical information, Klöker 2005a: 675–676 (“Götschen”) is the best source. as Dr Thomas R. Elssner of Koblenz in an email to the author on January 12, 2007. For more on the subject of Christognosia, see Elsner 2009 (p. 51 in Götsch), der inter-denominational Relationships (com focus on David Chytraeus) in the context of German-Swedish relations, Czaika 2002. 89 However, he seems to have his own or humanistic formulas. (It is difficult to prove his guilt to his contemporary or older humanist writers, as we have no searchable databases of Greek humanist authors.) In his occasional poetry he uses models from ancient Greek poetry, see The Dorpat, 92, 94 , 338–341 (his hexameter congratulations to Christianus Osaengius and comments pointing to his Cento-like borrowings from Homer's Iliad, Nonnus (both Dionysiaca and the Paraphrase) and Christodorus Epicus). 90 For such a turning point in Poliziano, see Steinrück 2018 (in this volume). 91 See Agosti 2010: 90–93 and Agosti (in press) for the increasing frequency of this type of verse in Nonnus and Late Antiquity. 92 See Johnson 2006, Rhein 2006, Weise 2011, Ludwig 2014. 88

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Lutheranism, emphasizing the importance of a proper understanding of Scripture, as we saw in the case of Kruger. We will also see that the German tradition of Christian poetry in Greek is continued by David Cunitius. 5.3 Paraphrases and Bible Verses by David Cunitius Bible paraphrases are a widespread genre in European humanistic Greek poetry, but like most of them, it has been little studied, with the exception of a few paraphrases of psalms.93 Melanchthon had emphasized the importance of paraphrases of the Bible, and we know that at Tartu Academy, the Greek Psalms of Buchanan and the paraphrase of the Gospel of John of Nonnus were also studied and actively used.94 Biblical paraphrase in the Estonian humanist Greek tradition is represented by David Cunitz (Cunitius) , que tinha studied in Rostock, Tartu (and Uppsala) and in 1643 became the Professor of Poetics at Tallinn Gymnasium.95 His Τῆς κατὰ Ματθαῖον ἱστορίας περὶ παθήματος τοῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν, μεταβολὴ ποητική, The Verse Paraphrasis of the Sufferings of Jesus Christ, Our Saviour, According to the Gospel of St Matthew in 568 hexameters was performed at Uppsala on Easter 1642 (it fig. 4).96 The paraphrase includes: vv.1-25: an introduction, including a comparison with the old, Pierian and the new, Christian Muses,97 a reference to the author's task (the story of Christ's Passion to tell) and a prayer to God for strength; Vv.26-535: the paraphrase of the Gospel of Matthew (26,30-27,66) in a lively and dialogic way; V. 536–568: the conclusion condemning those who offended Christ and an exhortation to live a godly life.

93

For Greek paraphrases, see Andrist, Lukinovich 2005, Lukinovich 2017, Weise 2016:160–161, below, #104 and 105. I am aware of at least 25 collections or individual paraphrases of the Greek Bible to be discussed in an article in preparation. For some see Czapla 2013. 94 See Päll, Valper 2014: 27 and O Dorpat 340–341, 371–3 95 Cf. Klöker 2005a: 316–321. 96 Printed there the same year by Aischyllius Matthiae. Georg Höjer's satisfaction (Cunitius 1642: [Γ 4r]) is dated Ipsis Calendis Aprilis, which applies to Easter. Discourses on the life of Christ were not uncommon, for example Laurentius Elingius gave a Greek discourse on the sufferings of Christ at Uppsala in 1670 (Fant 1781 (VII): 33, unprinted, see Korhonen 2004: 461), and Christoph Christian Handel performed in Altdorf 1688 a Greek discourse on Jesus in his manger (Altdorf 1688, VD17 32:678). 97 For the role of the muses, see Ludwig ed. 2001.

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At the time of publication of this speech, Cunitius had left Tartu and had not yet received the post in Tallinn. Without a fixed place or profession, he declared himself according to his origin and his condition: Pomeranus and a medical student. to see yourself as part of Uppsala's academic community to see who the speech and print is for. He also directs the print to Estonian readers, as shown by his choice of honoree, young Wilhelm von Taube of Maydell Manor,99; two (Georg Höjer and Paul Freyschmidt)100 of the five authors of the greeting poems101 were also active in Estonia. Cunitius's paraphrase probably appeared alongside a slightly shorter German poem (456 lines in Alexandrian) on the same subject, but based on the four gospels.102 His paraphrase reflects two different traditions. First, the aforementioned tradition of Greek lectures at Uppsala University, which were not only given regularly but also printed frequently. Second, by his choice of hexameter poetry and the genre of paraphrase, Cunitius' speech belongs to the German Greek verse tradition (probably the source of the tradition in Sweden), which has its origin in verse Paraphrases from the Bible, 98

Two of the five Latin congratulations mention him as a 'medicus' (by Johann Jacob Pfeiff, minister of the German congregation in Stockholm and by Paul Freyschmidt of Pomerania, a theology student, who was also a teacher of the son of the governor of Estonia, Philipp von Scheiding, in Cunitius 1642a). 99 Possibly Bernard Wilhelm Taube de Maidla, see Johannes Justus Ludwig, Christliche Abfuhrs-Sermon ... Bernhard Wilhelm Taube, Beyde Freyherren auff Maydell and Carelöhra, etc. of that, and marked the 63rd year, this world blessed, softened and departed with joy in the heart. Reval: Simon 1664. Another Wilhelm von Taube of Reval is mentioned by Klöker 2005a:738, but is probably someone else. 100 Georg Höjer is probably the theology student and professor from Tallinn, later rector of the Dome School, who was a very active writer of occasional poetry between 1643 and 1650 (Klöker 2005a: 682–683). He belonged to the same group of literati as Paul Freyschmidt, who wrote an epithalamion for his wedding in 1644 (Facula nupcialis ... Dn. Georgii Hojeri. Reval 1648, No.348 in Klöker 2005b). 101 According to Klöker (2005a: 317), the paraphrase received congratulations from his fellow students in Tartu, who were active in Uppsala, but none of the five authors of congratulations were unmatched in Tartu, according to Tering 1984. I have not been able to find the authors of acknowledgments at Rostock or Greifswald University Matricels, but one Nicolaus Culenius was enrolled for the summer semester of 1639 at Königsberg (Erler 1910: 402). However, Cunitius studied in Königsberg from 1633, before matriculating in Tartu in 1637, so the connection between the two may have been established later. 102 Johan Månsson Silfverstierna (1604–1660) is one of the dedicatees of the Greek paraphrase, and his wife, Catharina Eriksdotter (praised by Cunitius for her love of the German language) is the dedicator of the German sonnet (I owe knowledge of the existence of the German paraphrase , as well as the Rostock print, for Klöker 2005a: 317).

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according to Nonnus's paraphrase of the Gospel of John.103 The theme of the Passion is one of the most popular Greek discourses devoted to Christian holidays celebrated in schools and academies everywhere. This is corroborated by various suffering speeches, printed in Leipzig, Wittenberg, Oels, Bremen, Lübeck and Königsberg (between 1557 and 1663) or other episodes from his life (printed in Basel, Wittenberg, Stettin and Nuremberg).104 These are speeches by Christmas. depicted with speeches, printed in Wittenberg, Leipzig, Königsberg, Hildesheim, Erfurt and Altdorf (1552–1668).105 This is just a first glimpse of the rich tradition in Germany from the mid-16th to the mid-19th and 17th centuries. It is impossible to show specific influences on Cunitius, although Wittenberg seems to be the most important in this tradition. In addition to Wittenberg, the influence of "Melanchthon's grandchildren" in Rostock must also be taken into account, above all Johannes Posselius: . In the same year (1642) another Greek discourse of Cunitius appeared at Rostock, Εἰς ταπεινὰ τὰ γενέθλια τοῦ Κυρίου (On the lowly birth of our Lord). The theme again corresponds to the practice of Latin and Greek speeches given in schools and academies on Christian holidays. The sermon includes a brief introduction asking for inspiration from Christ (vv. 1–8) and then relates the Gospel of Christmas, ending with praise of the Redeemer. It is hoped that further studies will show the value of Cunitius' longer poems, both from the perspective of Lutheran theology and the oratory tradition of the Greek school. 103 See footnote 94. For an early discussion of New Testament paraphrases, including ancient and modern tradition more broadly (also Homerokentra, Posselius' Euangelia et Epistolae (Leipzig 1599) and Rhodoman's Palaestina), see Johann Neumann ( praes. ), Johann Franciscus Budaeus (respectively), Disputatio philologica de metaphrastis qui N.T. Graeco carmine expresserunt. Wittenberg 1686. 104 In addition to the Greek paraphrases, I was able to discover about 30 Greek discourses on the life of Christ; this number is probably higher. 105 Here, several speeches use elegiac couplets that reveal the blurring of gender boundaries; there are several similar speeches using the meter of poetry, such as a Christmas "song" by Samuel Nicolai Palumbus (Ὠδὴ γενέθλιος in festum solenne ac jvbilaeum nativitatis domini nostri Jesu Nazareni. Uppsala: Mattson 1624, LIBRIS-ID:2518877) in sapphic stanzas. 106 Cf. Rhein 2017. 107 Cf. Klöker 2005a: 318 and 658–659. It was printed in Rostock in 1642, but contains no dedication or congratulations (the only known copy mentioned by Klöker is in the Polish National Library, Warzawa, shelf number XVI Qu.4751). I thank Wanda Dorociak of the Polish National Library for the photos and Maria Luštšik of the University of Tartu Library for providing these photos. For Greek speeches commemorating Christ's birthday, see footnote 105 above.

Greek Humanist in Early Modern Estonia and Livonia

SICK. 4.David Cunitius. Matthew's story of the passion of Jesus Christ...a poetic twist. Uppsala: Mattson. face sheet. (Uppsala University Library).

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6. Occasional poetry and prose 6.1. Events and Text Types The climax of humanistic Greek poetry in Estonia, Livonia, and Curonia was reached as early as the seventeenth century, much later than in Germany, the source of enormous influence on Nordic Hellenistic scholarship. Poetic practice has a reduced number of occasions and subtypes compared to larger centres. Poetry for court parties, for example, is only available in Mitau, seat of the Dukes of Courland, but we can still observe the most popular types: 1) Various paratexts in printed works: congratulations on dissertations (disputes) and speeches of students and for humanistic manuals (such as Gezelius' Lexicon Graeco-Latinum), but also dedication epigrams and authors' addresses (from Götsch, Gezelius' prose speech and dedication).108 Propemptica and Apodemica written for those who leave (and/or enter) the school or academy; even more popular were the poems for weddings, funerals or anniversaries (Epithalamia, Epicedia, Genethliaka), which were not only associated with academic occasions and appeared mainly in separate collections.109 The writing of occasional Greek humanistic poetry in Estonia did not begin with the foundation of print jobs. The first poems were recorded in manuscript, such as Gregor Krüger's Epicedium for Pastor Hobing, or printed elsewhere, such as Ericus von Beeck de Reval's Greek congratulations in 19 hexameters.110 However, the number of poems greatly increased when presses were established in Estonia, and the Riga Printing House was reorganized in Latvia (see Scheme 1).111 108

See The Dorpat, 92-95, 338-341. In Garber 2001-2009 she omitted the classification of funeral poems as paratexts for funeral orations, see arguments against this principle and additions in Beyer 2011. 110 On Mesilano see above, Chapter 2 and Chapter 5.1. For Beeck, see Klöker O32B, vol.2:66. Beeck also participated as a respondent in the Rostock theological dispute led by Johann Affelmann in 1615 (Trias syllogismorum ancalvinistarum), see Klöker, no.035AB 68–69. He was probably a good student of Greek: when he returned from Rostock to become a minister at the Church of St. Nicholas in Tallinn, he received a Greek propemptikon (Vota propemptica ... A1v-A2r). 111 See Berziņa 2018 for Riga. 109

Greek Humanist in Early Modern Estonia and Livonia

85

14 12 10 8 6 4 2

Tartu

Stable

Riga

1710

1707

1704

1701

1698

1695

1692

1689

1686

1683

1680

1677

1674

1671

1668

1665

1662

1659

1656

1653

1650

1647

1644

1641

1638

1635

1632

Mitau

Diagram 1: The dynamics of the production of humanistic Greek occasional texts in Estonia and Livonia, 1632–1710.

In the case of Greek poetry, the people involved were often Greek professors or students aspiring to a career in theology. his belonging to humanistic circles; and/or, as in the case of addresses to nobles or officials, emphasized the recipient's important position. In these cases, we often see a multilingual context.113 If we study the dynamics of Greek prints in the four Greek printing houses in the region (Tartu/Pärnu, Tallinn, Riga and Mitau), we can notice an uneven distribution, both geographically and in time (Scheme 1 ). The largest gap in activity exists in Tartu between the Gustavian Academy (1632–1656) and the Gustavo-Caroline Academy (1690–1710), although the total number of humanistic Greek texts is the highest there, as befits a college. Correspondingly, Mitau's number is the smallest because there was only one Latin school there and all five Greek poems that we know of from 1695 to 1731 are associated with the court. The complete absence of Greek poetry in 1659-1672 can be explained by the plague and wars (which brought about the closure of schools in Tartu and Riga), and the writing of poetry in Greek resumed shortly after the end of reduced Swedish zero rule. in 1710 (Table 1).

112

This is based on data obtained from existing bibliographies (Jaanson 2000, Klöker 2005b, Estonian retrospective bibliography in ESTER) and Greek poetry corpora from Tartu, Tallinn and Riga. 113 See van Dam 2015: 67.

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The numbers are given for the period under Swedish rule, corresponding to the main periods of activity of Greek composition in the academies. Tartu includes the works printed at the Academia Gustaviana Dorpatensis (1632–1656) and the Academia Gustavo-Carolina Dorpatensis/Pernavensis (1690–1710). Table 1. Generic Distribution of Estonian and Livonian Occasional and Paratextual Greek Texts Tartu Tallinn Riga Mitau 1632–1656 / 1636–1734 1631–1657, 1695–1731 Tartu/Pärnu 1678–1708 1690–1710 42*/10

4**

Widmung/Prosphonese

***

4/0

Congratulations

6/0

Congratulations (academic sceptres)

4/1

price quotation

3/0

5

Epidemic

01/09

16

23

2

Epithelium

11/0

27

17

1

Congratulations (on starting your career)

0/3

aspastic

1

1

panegyrik

1

1

53

41

5

Congratulations (on the dissertation)

Congratulations (to the Academy) I am

****

0/0

79+15=94

The numbers of the Gustavian Academy (Tartu) and the Gustavo-Caroline Academy (Tartu/Pärnu) are presented separately. Neither one-line poem signatures nor mottos are counted as separate Greek poems. * Four congratulations are for the prograduate disputes, one for the inaugural speech, which have a dual function. ** One of them, congratulations on M. Sigismundi's inaugural speech, also has the function of gratulatio in ingressionem professionis. *** Including Gezelius' long prose dedication to Queen Christina in his Lexicon and the prose address to his readers in his edition of Ps-Pythagoras, Phocylides and Theognis. **** A poem from 1827 is not included here.

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The peaks of poetic activity (years with the greatest number of Greek poems) are not the same in different schools, but generally around and in the 1640s. In Tartu there are several peaks with 5–10 poems (1633, 1638, 1646 –1648, 1651–1652), in Tallinn the best years produce 5–7 poems (1638, 1642, 1643), and in Riga at least three became published poems in the best years (1649 and 1651). These rich years can be explained by the Philhellenism of certain people, starting with Greek teachers such as Johannes Gezelius senior and Ericus Holstenius in Tartu114 or Henricus Vulpius, dean of the Tallinn Gymnasium115 and poet laureate Christian Bornemann, dean of the school in Mitau (Jelgava). 116 Various teachers, such as Johannes Hörnick, the Collega at Riga Gymnasium, and Reinerus Brockmann, the professor of Greek at Tallinn, and distinguished students, such as David Cunitius or Nicolaus Nycopensis at Tartu, contributed more evenly to the quantity, and one or two poems written each year. Other differences can be seen in the distribution of occasional texts by genre, defined according to events (see Table 1). demographic profile of teachers and students, but more importantly, general ideas and trends in the classroom.118 Thus, the occasional type of poetry in the Gustavo-Carolina Academy and the use of Greek is significantly reduced (this is in Tallinn, Riga and Mitau is not the case).

114

In 1651 all 5 of the Greek occasional poems were written by Ericus Holstenius, Gezelius wrote 6 of the 9 in 1646, 8 of the 10 in 1648 and 4 of the 5 in 1648. Of the 31 occasional poems that Gezelius published in Tartu, 25 were in Greek (including a subsection of a trilingual set of poems), but he also used individual Greek hexameters as poem signatures and once as the beginning of a dedication (in Gezelius 1648: )(2r). Both a one-stanza dedication (partially echoing that of Gezelius) and a two-line signature can be found in Ericus Emporagrius's dedication to Queen Christina in the Stockholm Greek Dispute: Gezelius–Emporagrius 1650. 115 Responsible for 5 out of 9 poems in the year 1643. 116 See Flood 2006 (1): 221. 117 Following Czerniatowicz 1991 and Korhonen 2004, I add occasional poems and all sorts of book paratexts. The tables in Viiding 2002:37–38 and 42 (for languages ​​and types of poems used in the Gustavian Academy, i.e. 1632–1656) are obsolete and give the total number of occasional Greek poems known from the Gustavian Academy as 61. Information from previous bibliographies has now been replaced by entries from the National Retrospective Bibliography of Estonia in the Collective Electronic Catalog of Estonian Libraries, ESTER. 118 See Tering 1996, Tering 2005, Friedenthal, Piirimäe 2015.

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At first it seems that the change could be explained by a lesser influence of professors and students coming from Germany (in the second period professors were mainly of Swedish origin), but the flourishing of Greek studies in the neighboring Academy of Turku makes generalizations about a Swedish influence negative are not allowed.119 Study of the Riga and Mitau engravings has not (yet) produced any book paratexts or Greek congratulations for disputes, reflecting the rarity of similar texts in Tallinn.120 This can be explained by the fact that this genre is widespread. mainly at the university level, and therefore it is naturally the most popular type of Greek poetry in the Tartu and Tartu-Pärnu academies, but not in secondary schools.121 Rigid classification of poetic genres based on the function of a text (and an event), complicates the discussion: E Sometimes it is impossible to distinguish the main function of a poem, for example, men or high officials always contain some eulogy element. the inaugural lecture cannot be easily distinguished from congratulations on initiations. In fact, all celebrated events fall under the same general category of accomplishments, ἆθλον, which can range from giving a speech, writing a book, receiving a diploma, or even getting married. Only the epidemics are different, although occasionally praise of achievements or a life's work may be the basis of praise for the deceased, as in the case of an epidemic for Gustavus Adolphus, V.25: ('Who has this most excellent distinction ( achievement) among men were adorned').123

119

See Piirimäe 1982 for Gustavo-Carolina Academy, Korhonen 2004 for Turku. If we also count Greek poems published abroad by Tallinn students (Ericus von Beeck, Eberhard Müller, Joachim Salemann, Georg Dunte and Johann Sebastian Markard who moved to Tallinn), the number of congratulations from Tallinn by counts of dissertations and books would be 9 , no 4. Information for Tallinn is available thanks to Klöker 2005. It is possible that similar results are expected for Tartu and Riga in the future. 121 Garber only occasionally examines poetry collections and there are no explicit references to the existence of Greek paratexts in Latvian disputes (see Šiško 2013). 122 For example, some Swedish-Greek speeches could also be classified as occasional poems, such as Petrus Aurivillius, Logos Epitaphios ... Jacobi Augusti De La Guardius. . . . [...] Dan. Iohannis Loccenii [...] Exequias [...] (Stockholm 1678); J.Burgman (Purmerus), Λόγος πένθιμος εἰς τὴν διὰ θανάτου ἀποχώρησιν πενθερεστάτην γαληνοτάτου καὶ κραταιοτάτου πάλαι Θείου Καρώλου τοῦ Γουστάβου Δεκάτου [...] (Stockholm 1660). Cf. Sironen 2018, Korhonen 2004. 123 In Orion 1999. Cf. the references to fame itself, κλέος as in V.4 of Blume's Epicedium for Brockmann and similarly Gebauer in an Epicedium of 1734. 120

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Although the underlying form of poems is often determined by the occasion (request for address, wish, references to the occasion, etc.), the variety of forms of these texts is great, both because of the richness of the themes and various other characteristics. One of them is the accountant. The distribution of meters across the five corpuses of Estonian and Latvian Greek poetry shows diversity and richness on the one hand and monotony on the other, resulting from an overwhelming use of couplets and elegiac hexameters (Table 2). Unexpectedly, the variety is not greatest at the University of Tartu, where the number of poems is greatest, but at the Tallinn Gymnasium, which confirms the ancient contrast between the brilliant pastoral poets of Tallinn and the strict academics of Tartu drawn by Marju Lepajõe .124 Of the 13 attested prosodic types (verse and prose) only 2 occur in the Gustavo-Carolina Academy and 5 in the Gustavian Academy, while the two academic secondary schools with 8 different prosodic types in Riga and 10 in Reval.125 a much greater Diversity of display The The most common types of verse, as in other parts of Europe,126 are elegiac couplets and hexameters. The popularity of the elegiac couplet is also reflected in the wide variety of occasions for its use: it occurs in most types of poems, with the exception of speech in verse.127 Although some longer poems were written in elegiac couplets, the average length of a poem is in elegiac Distichons are short.128 Shorter poems containing only one distichon were usually written by very young poets (sons of professors, younger brothers of debaters) or belonged to certain forms: chronostichon or trilingual composition. 129 130

124

Lepajõe 1994: 90–96. The variety of other formal elements like anagrams, squares, palindromes is also relatively greater in Riga and Tallinn Gymnasium. 125 Only a meter, elegiac couplet is used in Mitau, but its corpus of 5 poems is too small for conclusions: it may reflect practice in the Lithuanian-Polish Catholic community or Christian Bornemann's personal preferences. However, diversity is achieved by combining different languages. For a comparison with Lithuania, Poland and the Turku Academy, see Päll (in press). 126 Except perhaps in the 19th-century British tradition, where iambic, anapaest and sapphic trimeters became extremely popular, overshadowing hexameters (though perhaps not elegiac couplets). 127 If we also count verses, hexameters would prevail in verse counting, but not yet in poetry counting. 128 The average is nine stanzas (for a hexameter congratulations it is 11.5). 129 130

Includes an engraving of the Greek chrono with 2 verses. Without 13 hexameters in the signatures of the authors of the poems and a one-line motto.

32/365**

50/612

42/366*

7/68

23/234

27/278

36/05

104/990

AG

CAG

GR

GRi

Mi

9/140

1/12

6/76

2/52

a

10/161

8/161

2/

Prose

1/42

1/42

Turn up

4/102

4/102

ia3

3/105

35/02

1/70

Cat. ia2

3/134

1/13

2/120

acat.ia2

36/02

23/01

1/13

permitted

1/10

1/10

Askl.1

2/55

32/01

23/01

1/12

1/12

Tombstone EP: ia3, ia2

28/01

Feige

193/2426

36/05

41/480

53/868

15/229

79/825

Places of publication: AG – Academia Gustaviana (Tartu), AGC – Academia Gustava-Carolina (Tartu/Pärnu), GRe – Gymnasium Revaliense (Tallinn), GRi – Gymnasium Rigense (Riga), Mi (Mitau Imprint). Meters: el.di – elegiac couplet; hex-hexameter; Sa-Saphic stanzas; Prose – short speeches in prose; Pind - Pindaric ode; ia3- iambic trimeter; Cat. ia2, akat. ia2– catalectic and akalectic iambic diameter; phallic hedecasilable; ascl.1 – first stanza Asklepiad; lapidated - prose in a lapidary style; epipodal gauges; fig- a figurative poem; * including a Greek chronostic with 2 verses; ** without 13 hexameters in the signatures of the authors of poems and the motto of a stanza.

7/75

13/180

hexadecimal

er.di

Table 2. Metric distribution in Estonian and Latvian Greek texts. Occasional Greek print and paratexts from 1632-1734.

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To these two predominant types of verse we can add Sapphic stanzas, but surprisingly Anacreontic is not very popular. -types of poetry: fallacious hendecasyllables, asklepidic stanzas and various epic forms, which were more popular in Latin than in Greek. Iambic patterns include trimeters and dimeters (both acatalectic and catalectic, the latter being understood as anacreontic). These odes are generally longer because of their short verses.132 Two characteristics can perhaps be explained by Turku's influence. Firstly, the prevalence of prose congratulations in the Gustavo-Carolina Academy, many of these congratulations using the form of chreia. The rise explains the popularity of this form in Latin in the late seventeenth century at the nearby Academy of Turku.134 The two prose dedications of the Gustavian Academy by Gezelius in his grammar and lexicon follow the tradition of Europe, where Greek dedications or prefaces are more likely to be common are popular.135

6.2. Particular genres and forms Some genres of poetry were very rare in Estonia and associated only with a specific context, author, time or place. Authors often come from Germany and represent the much richer German tradition. These examples remain isolated in Estonia and are sometimes difficult to see in the European context as specific studies are just emerging.136 1) A Pindaric Ode. In 1633 Henricus Vogelmannus published a congratulation in the form of a Pindaric ode to Peter Götsch's Greek prayer Christognosia at the Gustavian Academy. He represents a very popular surviving European 131

See Weise 2016: 143–160 for Germany. Verse numbers have often been used to show the meaning of different languages, but should be used with caution, particularly when comparing numbers for poems in Greek, Latin, and colloquialism: a line in a hexameter poem can be anywhere from 12 to 12 17 include syllables, a line in a sapphic stanza from 5 to 11, other verse forms fall between these extremes. Thus, a hexameter poem of 12 lines generally outnumbers a sapphic or trochaic ode of the same number of lines. 133 See Korhonen 2004, Päll 2012. 134 See Kajanto 1994, Sarasti-Wilenius 1994: 69–70. 135 See Maillard, Flamand 2010 and Flamand 2018 for Cheradamus prefaces. 136 See Weise Ed. 2017 and the items in the present collection. 132

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Tradition of the Pindarizing Greek ode, of which we have over 100 examples along with manuscripts and mixed forms.137 2) A theocritical cent. An epithalamium in the form of a theocritical cent was issued in Tallinn by Reinerus Brockmann, professor of Greek at the Tallinn Gymnasium, later vicar at Laiuse, for the marriage of Salomon Matthiae, professor of Greek at Tartu.138 The epithalamium uses a frame from Theocritus ' 1. Idyll, with recurring: ἄρχετε βωκολικᾶς, μῶσαι φίλαι, ἄρχετ᾽ ἀοιδᾶς ('Dear muses, please begin a shepherd's song') and last'). In the middle, he tells the story of Matthias's love and marriage, which is stitched together from verses borrowed from various Eidyllia.139

45

You've seen it, you've lived it, you're deeply in love, a bride who's been kissed nine times, what's the matter, my God, I don't keep quiet in men's boxes, they all wear helmets, I always wear how much they wear.

V.41 Vgl. Theocr. Id.2.82 He was with raiva, Nonnos Dion. 15.209 Love is in the thief comes and no worthy heart, vgl. 19,109 unstable others Bacchus; V.42 Theocr. Outside. 11.6 And tell thee the name, not the promise? V.43–44 Theokr. Outside. 11.15–16 Are you a hypocardian or Cypridos? V.45 Theocr. Outside. 4.55 What's The Catch, And How Do Many People Consider It? V.46 Theocr. Outside. 2.38 ἠνίδε, sigdi bontos sigsdidi d᾽ ῆται; V.47 Theocr. Outside. 39 V.48 Vgl. Theocr. Outside. 1.83–84 passes ἀνἰ kraṇas, πατ᾽ alsea posie foridai — Arhete bucolikas mousai filai, arhet' aoides? V.49 Vgl. Greg. naz. Carmina de se ipso p.1001.1 Ὡσ δὲ barystenacho, AG Anhang 2.2.3 τὴν δὲ barystenachusan idios' others others like this and Eucl.

137

Päll 2001 (with text, German translation and information about the author; the attempt at a generic overview must be rejected in favor of Päll 2018, 2017b). See also Pontani 2017, Schmitz 1991, 1993, Revard 2001, 2009. 138 In: Clarissimo & Doctissimo (1637). Matthiae later became the second professor of theology and pastor of the Church of St. John the Baptist. Church of St. John in Tartu, later in Narva. See also Lotman 2010: 99. 139 Mostly the 1st and 2nd, but also the 4th, 7th, 8th, 11–13th. The Greek text with references and translation and discussion in Estonian is published in Päll 2013, see also Pall 2010: 121–123.

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geom. epigr. v.4. Hymn.Hom. in Ven. 57 κατὰ φρένας ἵμερος εἷλεν or hymn. House in Merc. 422 καί μιν γλυκὺς ἵμερος αἵρει. On seeing her, he went mad and fell in love with the bridegroom, who was much loved by the nine muses, and returned home with the most hideous wound in his chest inflicted by Cypris, who pierced his liver with the Arrow. Oh, how small is this wound, and how much it destroyed man! "Look," he said, "the sea is still, the winds are still, but the pain in my chest won't stop." His feet took him to every well, to every grove, as he mourned deeply: He was filled with longing after being dominated by the nymph.

The story about the initially reluctant, language-loving groom and his bride has a happy ending. The use of bucolic motifs for wedding poems is already suggested by the double meaning of the word νύμφη ('nymph' but also 'bride'), and while this cent at first glance seems unique across the European context, it may not be so. We must remember the influence of the Homeric and Virgilian centuries and the popularity of bucolic motifs in humanist Greek poetry, which often took Theocritus (or Bion) as a model. simply unaware of, served as a model or inspiration for Brockmann. 3) Polyglot and multiform festive poems. From Estonia there are no examples of Greek or polyglot poetry from the Choir of the Muses, continuing the Latin tradition of Martianus Capella from the Choir of the 9 Muses in different meters and, more generally, the tradition of wedding poetry in which the muses bring different gifts. 141 However, the practice was known in early modern Livonia, where bridal collections show the greatest mixture of languages ​​and where a group of such epithalamia included as many as 9 different languages.142 Occasional Estonian Greek poems do not use the chorus form of the muses,143 but the polyglot and diversified festive context is still revealed in 140

For a possibile influenza dos poemas bucolicos gregos de Camerarius em Brockmann, consulte Päll, Valper 2014: 31, for Camerarius e Herrichen, consulte Weise 2016: 155–158. Para Cento, Ver Salanitro 1997. 141 Ver Ludwig 2001, especially 31–34. For Vilnius, consult Strockis 2002, Ulčinaitė ed. 2010. 142 From the collection of H. Witte of Riga, recently discovered by Jürgen Beyer. For use, consult Kaju 2006. 143 Poema de Andreas Berg para Ericus Holstenius (Sacris magisterii honoribus ... Holstenii. Dorpat, 1647), ed online. em Viiding, Orion 2002–2003: 1647, nº 46.

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various wedding poems. As with verse, polyglot poetry collections are more common in the Tallinn Gymnasium than in the Gustavian Academy in Tartu: of the 51 Greek poems in the Tallinn Gymnasium, 21 occur together with one or more other languages; in the Latvian corpus, the polyglot aspect is even greater, because of the 41 known Greek poems from Riga, 16 occur in conjunction with other languages, and in Mitau 4 of the 5 known Greek poems occur in a multilingual context. At the Tartu Academy, only 11 of the 77 Greek poems appear in other languages, and the number of languages ​​used rarely exceeds two. However, the Academy of Tartu is characterized by the role of Hebrew, which otherwise only occurs in some poems of the Gymnasium of Riga, although, unlike Uppsala, the other eastern languages, such as Arabic or Syriac, do not appear in the corpus of Tartu. Whether this is due to the inadequacy of typeface and the skill of the printers (which seems plausible) or the teachers' preference for Greek and Oriental languages ​​we do not know. Some of the multilingual poems are self-translations into Latin.144 Two examples of German translations of Greek poems come from the Tallinn Gymnasium. For example an epicedium by Georg Dunte, the professor of Greek in Tallinn Gymnasium for Professor Gebhard Himsel:145 Τοῖς φιλέλλησι, περὶ ἐμπειροτάτου καὶ δοκιμωτάτου ἡμῶν οὐχ᾽ ὅπως ἸΑΤΡΟΥ˜, ἀλλὰ καὶ ΦΥΣΙΚΟΥ˜, ἅματε ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΟΥ˜, καὶ ΕΠΑΓΓΈΛΤΟΥ, Ἀνδρὸς (ὅσονγε καί με εἰδέναι) σπουδαίου καὶ παλαιοῦ, μὴ ὅττιγε προθύμου καὶ ἑτοίμου π9τμ! Οὕτως ὤχεθ᾽ ὅμως, τουτὶ Χαρακώμασιν Ἄστυ Κοσμήσας λαμπρῶς, ἐξαγαγώντε καλῶς, Τόσσα καλ᾽ ὃς ῥέξεν, τοτεσούτους ὃς θεράπευσεν, ᾯ ἐδίδαχθε τόσοι, ᾧ ἐμέρισθε τόσα! ...To lovers of Greek, about the most experienced and respected man among us, not only a doctor but also a physicist, mathematician and professor (and as far as I know, a serious and venerable man), a song that makes must not be demolished eagerly and willingly.

144

Two examples of Latin translations accompany Greek poems from the Gustavian Academy (and a poem in Persian (printed in Hebrew letters) was translated into Latin), the other two examples are from the Tallinn Gymnasium. 145 In Agona 1676: A3v–A4r.

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Then he left this city that he built and executed beautifully, he did so well, he cut so many, there are so many that he taught and so much he arranged. ... Thanks for watching, I'm not sure what to do! A consolation for the Germans, in fact almost the same as their German brethren. ...

The German translation (in iambic verse) follows the Greek epicide. The poem reflects the mixed audience, consisting of a few men defined as lovers of Greek and the German-speaking brothers of the deceased (using a pun, γερμανοί, 'brothers', as in Latin germanus). This corresponds to the idea that in a multilingual context different poems in different languages ​​have different addressees.146 4) Anagram poems and Carmen figuratum. The use of anagrams is very common in Estonian Neo-Latin poetry. In the case of the University of Tartu, it is most commonly associated with Laurentius Ludenius, Poet Laureate, professor of poetics and rhetoric, first librarian and later also professor of law at the university.147 Although we have no examples of this playful genre in Greek from the Tartu/Pärnu Academies , occurs in two etching poems from Tallinn and also from neighboring Riga. Johann David Placcenius of Braunschweig's Congratulations (with Greek anagram poem, Greek cross and Latin anagram poem) on Heinrich Stahl's Leyen-Spiegel, a collection of sermons in German and Estonian, is extraordinary in many ways (FIG. 5) . 148 First, it is the only Greek Carmen figuratum in the region, and although it uses the cross as the form of the word labyrinth, which has a long tradition in Latin poetry, its combination in an anagram poem seems unique.149 The choice of matching the image it is a

146

147 See Lepajõe 1994: 91, to Ludenius' Leben, Kaju 2007. 148 In Stahl 1641, entre pp. 423–4 Carmina Greek humanistic figurata are rare, besides that of Placcenius I can only name two, in the form of a cross by Christian Keimann, Christo Crucifixo Sacrum (Görlitz 1649, VD17 39:152326K, from Gymnasium Zittau) and an altar by Georg Benedikt Faber, Altar of Mary (Altdorf, 1683, VD17 125:036838S). For an example of a Greek anagram poem from Greater Sweden, see Laurentius Olai's gratification for Laurentius Paulinus Gothus' Cometoscopy (Stockholm: Meurer 1613, LIBRIS-ID:8231785).

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DOENTE. 5.John David Placcenius. Parabéns por Heinrich Stahl, Leyen Spiegel ... Continuatio of the Leyen Spiegel Winter Theils. pág. )(iv verso. (Tartu: Estonian Literary Museum, http://www.digar.ee/arhiiv/nlib-digar:102274).

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The anagram can be explained by the fact that Placcenius was familiar with the latter form, having recently published a collection of anagram poems (Placcenius 1639).150 Second, Greek paratexts usually appear only in Latin books, not in the context of colloquialisms, especially peasant colloquialisms (German had the status of an administrative language, but not Estonian). The use of Greek here is explained by the context of theology and Stahl's important position as newly elected pastor and theologian and superintendent.151 5) Acrostic is a popular formal element used at the university (most popular in the epicide of Gustavus Adolphus).152 An interesting example of an acrostic comes from the Gymnasium of Riga, where the word γάμος (“marriage”) is the basis of a hexameter poem of 5 lines, in which each line contains 5 words starting with the same letter, forming an acro-mesotheleostic. γάμος . Here, too, the Latin influence may be important.153 6) Cronostic and palindromic. A Greek epithalamion in the form of a palindrome by H. Kem. (unidentified) is addressed to Georg Höjer, a theology student and vice-principal of the Tallinn Cathedral School, and Anna Mager, daughter of Christoph Mager, captain of the Tallinn garrison. The unusual form is also accompanied by a relatively rare use of French in another poem by the same author.154 The Greek poem is addressed to the groom, the French (to the tune of a folk dance) to the bride. The author allowed himself a great deal of poetic license and drew upon 150

For the Estonian Latin Carmina figurata, see Viiding 2005:464–465, which also mentions the poem by Placcenius, but states that it had no connections with the Tallinn circle of occasional poets. However, two years earlier, Placcenius' collection of Anagram propemptica (Placcenius 1639) received a congratulatory poem from Timotheus Polus, Poet Laureate and Professor of Poetry at the Tallinn Gymnasium (http://erb.nlib.ee/?kid= 19286910), Placcenius must have had some contacts with Estonia and with the circle of poets in Tallinn. I am grateful to Ülle Laos of the National Library of Estonia for her help in obtaining the copy. 151 The use of Greek in vernacular prints (not in relation to the occasional collections of poems, which constitute a different kind of work) was rare. Some examples of book paratexts are associated with northern Germany and the Baltic region, such as a congratulation in the form of a Greek Pindaric ode by Johannes Gebhard to Andreas Tscherning's Deutscher Geichte (Breslau 1642, VD17 3:612815V, appears in at least two reprints) or a trilingual (Greek, Latin, German) Congratulations to Johann Rist on his New Musical Catechism Devotions (Lüneburg, 1656, VD17 12:120364B) by Johann Sebastian Markard, the Rector of Tallinn City School. In the case of the latter in particular, the context is similar to that of Stahl's Leyen mirror. 152 Reprinted in Orion 1999. The acrostic also occurs in another Tartu poem. 153 Cf. Steinrück 2017b. 154 In Facula nuptialis (Reval 1644).

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Möglichkeiten, die durch byzantinische Aussprache (ἰλοπις, -κε) und orthografische Varianten (ϛ = φ, σῶε, σοος) präsentiert werden, aber auch nur die Formen (σῶε ἐμεεεεεεεεεεεεεεεick) und die Orthographie (σόὺ & ggr; ῶ & ῶ &; ῶ & ῶ ῦ & ἄἄ & ἄ;Now correct me, we have been living a year and dying in the city of wine .2 Nomiston pro Nomiston: v.4 etc. corr.

A Greek palindrome for newlyweds. Now, move, both limbs whole, Love affair now without pause, The market, the center of town, bubbles with wine like the sun-drenched vineyard square. But on returning home, other beautiful things and precious metals must be kept for us to trade, 155 that he be healthy so that he can safely enjoy his destiny. 156

According to pronunciation, instead of crase, μ(ε) ἄλλα καὶ καλά could also be μᾶλλα κε κᾶλλα, less plausibly instead of μαλακαί or κἆλλα; μέταλλα, evidently indicating marriage alliance, less likely than μετ᾽ἄλληλα ('between one another'), giving the interpretation of ἄμμι in v.4 as Dat to find the perfect solution. However, the palindrome is not the only rare form in the Estonian corpus. At Tartu, a Greek chronicle of Johannes Sundius accompanies an epitaph in Sapphic stanzas. poems in Greek are extremely rare.158

155

Or: At home, I think we should trade other and other (scil. more and more) metals. Greek νῖμμα: "washing water" or "jewels". Could the popular Greek palindrome (Νίψον ἀνομήματα, μὴ μόναν ὄψιν) be an inspiration for this line? But the bride's name, "Mager" ("thin"), suggests a different interpretation depending on the pronunciation: could νῖμμα mean νῆμα ("thread", met. "fate")? 157 Published in Päll 2010: 132. Another interpretation of the numerical value of the couplet is given by Korhonen 2004: 168. 158 The closest (but later) parallel comes from northern Germany and the Baltic coasts, see a poem by Erich Notmann (1706 ). For Notmann as a possible Poet Laureate, see Flood 2006 (1): cxlii. 156

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7) signature on the back. The final, rather rare, formal device in the humanistic Greek poetry of Tartu is a verse signature. There are now 13 of these signatures by five different authors in the corpus of Greek poetry from Tartu, which indicates systematic use. Since all the authors of Greek verse signatures (Johannes Gezelius sen. (5), Ericus Holstenius (4), Johannes Sundius, Olaus N. Bergius and Georg Gezelius) are Swedes, the question is justified as to whether this case it is a practical Swedish original, and no direct or indirect German influence (as in the case of the Greek Disputes of Gezelius). However, Latin verse signatures also occur in Tartu in the same period, among others by German-born authors such as Adrian Verginius, so the answer must be in the negative.159 All Greek verse signatures are a hexameter in length and come (with two exceptions) under Greek poems in elegiac couplets. In this way, the signature is presented as a continuation of the poem, rather than marking its end. The interpretation of such signatures as formal devices in their own right is supported by the fact that a Greek verse signature may appear at the end of a Latin poem, where occasionally only a word or two are in Greek (z, συμπαθείας ἕνεκα, τῆς φιλίας ἕνεκα, etc.) appear: the Latin epicedium for Anna Dobbin, wife of Heinrich Hein Hein, the first professor of law acity λ & & °; χ & τ τ & ses ses ses τ hand λῦ &; ῦταῦ & ugly the mourners in a hurry'), followed by its Latin name. the 3rd in other similar signatures. 8) theme. Another popular formal device in the Tartu corpus is the use of a motto or quote as the basis of the poem. This is particularly common on Seal 159

There are also signatures in hexâmetros latinos em verso: longior impactus quae paucula fudit Amico begins a signature de um poema grego de Johannes Gezelius, veja: Virginius - Rundelius 1641. No mesmo ano, Gezelius usou uma signature Latina sob suas felicitações latinas em um poema para Pedro Schönbergius: Quod sibi lecto increso corte vovebat (em Schönbergius, Oratio métrica de deliciis agrícolae, Dorpati 1641, Viiding, Orion 2002–2003: 1641, no. 41). Há outros: outro hexâmetro de Adrian Verginius para Martinus Henschel e Elisabetha Hein: Id quod congaudent sponsis, de corde précatur (ibid., 1643, n. 51) e no mesmo ano dois hexâmetros para um livro de Gustlaff (ibid., 1644, nº 41), one of James Columbus (ibid., 1644, nº 49). An elegiac couplet appeared under a poem by Ericus Bergius, em Jonas Lannerus, Disp. Physica anniversaria, Tartu 1633: Ericus/Bergius escreve isso ao autor de Lanner Dorpati, irrigando a foz do Aonides com fontes (ibid., 1633, no. 33). No one disputed these signatures. 160 On the Last Honor (1650).

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by Johannes Gezelius the Elder, but also by other authors. The quote may even come from Latin, as in Arnold Mahlstedt's poem (Omnia vincit amor). Estonian poetry back to its European origins162 ​​should be left for the future.

Conclusion The beginnings of humanistic Greek poetry in Estonia occurred in the mid-16th century, when it was at its height in Germany, but it is less isolated than previous scholarship has suggested. However, the first attempts by Estonia's first humanist poet, Gregor Krüger Mesylanus, met with no immediate reaction. At least one Greek poem written by an Estonian student studying at a European university has been known since the early 17th century, but such attempts have remained isolated. After the establishment of the Academy in Tartu and the Academic Gymnasium in Tallinn and their printing works, Greek textbooks, disputes and a large number of poems from the academic context began to appear. In this context, the influence of Johannes Gezelius the Elder should not be underestimated. Estonian humanistic Greek production mainly belongs to the simultaneous expansion and decline phase of humanistic Greek in Germany and shows a strong influence of German practice, particularly in the case of various Greek hexameter speeches or more isolated examples of a Pindaric ode, a Carmen figuratum or polyglot poems. On some occasions, however, as in the case of Greek disputes, German influence was indirect, coming from Sweden. Several examples of rare forms, such as a Greek chronostic or a palindrome or verse signatures, require further study that would reveal their place in the context of humanistic Greek poetry in Greater Sweden and Germany.

161

Published with comments in: The Dorpat, 230. There are only early studies on Greek disputes (cf. Korhonen 2010, 2018) and Pindaric poems in Greek (Päll 2001, 2017b, 2018). For Estonian neo-Latin propemptika, there is a study by Viiding (2002). 162

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from the 16th to the 18th century. Books and Libraries in the Baltic Sea Region from the 16th to the 18th century. Tallinn: Tallinna Linnaarhiiv, 37-47. Revard, Stella Purce (2001). Pindar and the Ode to the Renaissance Hymn: 1450-1700. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies. Revard, Stella Purce (2009). Politics, Poetics and the Pindaric Ode: 1450-1700. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies; Turnhout: Brepols. Rhein, Stefan (1996) ‘De usu graecae linguae. The Greek Studies at the University of Rostock.' – Ekrem, Inger; Skafte Jensen, Minna; Kraggerud, Egil (eds.), Reform and Latin Literature in Northern Europe. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 42-55. Rhein, Stefan (2017). 'Philip Melanchthon and his students of Greek poets.' - Weise, Stephan (ed.), Hellenisti! Ancient Greek as a Literary Language in Modern Europe. (Palingenesia; 107.) Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 15–46. Ripke, Justus Nicolaus (1857). 'Epitaph and testament of Pastor Johannes Höbingk to St. Nicolai in Reval, born in Kosefeld in 1522, died in Reval d. November 25th 1558.' - Inside. A weekly for Liv, Esth and Kurland history, geography, statistics and literature. Vol. 22, No. 34, 557-564 (online: http://hdl.handle.net/10062/11040). Salanitro, Giovanni (1997). ‘Osidio Geta and the centennial poetry.’ – ANRW II.34.3, 2314 – 2360. Sarasti-Wilenius, Raija (1994). ‘Finnish Neo-Latin Literature (17th and 18th centuries)’ – Merisalo, Outi; Sarasti-Wilenius, Raija (eds.), Mare Balticum– mare nostrum: Latin in the Baltic Sea Countries (1500–1800). Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica, 60-70. Schmitz, Thomas (1991). 'Les Odes grecques by Frédéric Jamot († ca. 1609).' – Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 53.2, 281–303. Schmitz, Thomas (1993). Pindar in the French Renaissance. Studies on its reception in philology, poetic theory and poetry. (Hypomnemata; 101.) Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Schweder, Gothard (1885). The old school of the cathedral. Riga: Hacker. Segebrecht, Wulf (1977). The occasional poem. A contribution to the history and poetics of German poetry. Metzler: Stuttgart. Sironen, Erkki (2018). '“Dialectal” variation in sentences in humanist Greek prose from Greater Sweden.' – Päll, Janika; Volt, Ivo (eds.), Hellenostephanos. Humanistic Greek in Early Modern Europe: Scholarly Communities Between Antiquity and Contemporary Culture. (Acta Societatis Morgensterniane; 6–7.) Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 130–143. Šiško, Silvija (2013). Latvijas citvalodu seniespiedumu kopkatalogs 1588–1830. Sērija A / General catalog of old prints in Latvian in foreign languages. 1588-1830. Series A. Riga: Latvijas Nacionālā bibliotēka. Steinrueck, Martin (2018). Metric 'errors' in Angelo Poliziano's Greek epigrams.' – Päll, Janika; Volt, Ivo (eds.), Hellenostephanos. early humanist greek

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Modern Europe: Academic Communities between Ancient and Contemporary Culture. (Acta Societatis Morgensterniane; 6–7.) Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 318–335. Storchova, Lucie (2014). Humanism of the Bohemian School and its Publishing Practices (c. 1550–1610). (Europa Humanistica; 16: Bohemia and Moravia II.) Turnhout: Brepol. Stradiņš, Jānis (2012). The beginning of science and universities in Latvia. 2nd Edition. Riga: Publication of the Latvian Institute of History. Strockis, Mindaugas (2002). "Graikų kalbos kirčiavimo theorijos ir Grigaliaus Sventickio Odarion (1604) eilėdara." [Greek pronunciation and verse used at the University of Vilnius in the 17th century. The Odarion of Grigalius Sventickis.] – Literature 44(3), 87–96 (http://etalpykla.lituanistikadb.lt/fedora/objects/LT-LDB0001:J.04~2001~1367180673741/datastreams/DS.002.0. 01.ARTICLE/Content). Sommer, Kirk M. (2016). Morals according to Calvin. Theodor Bezas Christian Censor and Reformed Ethics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Taimina, Aija (2013). Amicorum album. [...] The books of the Academic Library of the University of Latvia. (16-19 John). handwritten catalogue. Riga: Academic Publishing House of the University of Latvia. Tarvel, Anne (1980). IV Liivi fights Põhjasõjani. 5. Culture, Linn ilme. Architecture.” [From the Livonian War to the Great Northern War. Culture, urban landscape, architecture.] – Pullat, Raimo (ed.), History of Tartu. [The History of Tartu.] Tallinn: Eesti Raamat, 95–106. Tarvel, Anne (2011). 'Church and Citizenship in Baltic Cities in the 16th and 17th Centuries' - Asche, Matthias; Buchholz, Werner; Schindling, Anton (ed.), The Baltic States in the Age of Reformation and Confessionalization. Part 3. Munster: Aschendorff, 17–116. Thering, Arvo (ed.) (1984). Album Academicum of the University of Dorpat (Tartu) 1632–1710. (Publicationes Bibliothecae Universitatis Litterarum Tartuensis; 5.) Tallinn: Valgus. Thering, Arvo (1996). "Rene Descartes' i ideede iugdimisest Eesti-ja Liivimaale XVII skandil ja XVIII skandi algul." -188. Thering, Arvo (2005). 'On the Reception of the Copernican Teachings in the Baltic States in the Seventeenth Century.'- Laur, Mati; Kung, Enn; Ohlsson, Stig Örjan (eds.), The Baltic States and the North: Festschrift for Helmut Piirimäe on his 75th birthday. (Nordistica Tartuensia; 13.) Tartu, 248–285. Thering, Arvo (2007). 'Academic contacts of the University of Greifswald with Estonia, Livonia and Courland in the 17th and 18th centuries.'- Alvermann, Dirk; Jörn, Nils; Olesen, Jens E.; Irrgang, Stephanie (ed.), The University of Greifswald in the educational landscape of the Baltic Sea region. (Norse History; 5.) Berlin; Munster: LIT, 283-315. Thering, Arvo (2008). Eesti-, liivija kuramaalased Euroopa ukupitides 1561–1798. [Estonians, Livonians and Kuranos in European universities.] Tartu: Eesti Ajalooarhiiv.

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Tering, Arvo (2018). Lexicon of Estonian, Livonian and Curlandic Estudantes em universidades europeias 1561-1800. Cologne: Böhlau. Ulčinaitė, Eugenija (ed.) (2010). I speak Competition = Certamen linguarum. Vilnius: National Museum Palace of the Rulers of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Unger, Bernd D.W. (2000). O Urso de Berlim: uma viagem pela história e pelo presente. Munster etc: Waxmann. Summer, Juhan (ed.) (1932). History sources of Tartu University. Fonts on the history of the University of Tartu (Dorpat). I. Tartu. Veteikis, Tomas (2004a). Greek language studies and Greek creativity in Lithuania in the 16th and 17th centuries. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Vilnius, ms. Veteikis, Tomas (2004b). Estudos Gregos e Literatura Grega na Lituânia do século XVI-XVII. Resumo de Theses de Doutorado. Humanities, Philology (04H). Vilnius: University of Vilnius. Viiding, Kristi (2002). A Poesia do Neo-Latin Propemptika na Academia Gustaviana (Dorpatensis) nos Anos 1632-1656. (Dissertationes studiorum Graecorum et Latinorum Universitatis Tartuensis; 1.) Tartu: Tartu University Press (online: http://hdl.handle.net/10062/757). Viiding, Kristi (2005). ‘“Õnnelik olgu su samm...” Teelesaatmisluuletused 17th-century Eesti lijasturjelus. II.' [Que seu passo seja afortunado... Propemptica na vida literária estoniana do século XVII.] - Keel ja Kirjandus, 6, 455–474. Viiding, Kristi (2011). 'Haritlaste tunuslaused 17th century Eestija Liivimaal: allikad ja tuksuviis.' [Símbolo dos litterati na Estônia e Livonia no século XVII: fontes e uso.] - Lotman, Piret (ed.) (2011). Lugemise art = A Arte da Leitura. (Acta Bibliothecae Nationalis Estoniae; 13.) Tallinn: Biblioteca Nacional da Estônia, 220-271. Viiding, Kristi; Orion, Jana (eds.) (2002–2003). Academia Gustaviana (1632–1656) ladinakeelse åläduule tekstikorpus = corpus de poesia acadêmica ocasional na Academia Gustaviana (1632–1656). Disponível em https://www.ut.ee/klassik/neolatina/ Wallmann, Johann (1961). O conceito de teologia em Johann Gerhard e Georg Calixt. (Contribuições à teologia histórica; 30.) Tübingen: Mohr. Sábio, Stefan (2011). ‘Μοῦσα Ἁλληνική. Poemas gregos de estudiosos de Halle.' – Archive for Papyrus Research and Related Fields 57.2, 399–429. Sábio, Stefan (2016). ‘ Ἑλληνίδ’ αἶαν εἰσιδεῖν ἱμείρομαι– Literatura grega moderna na Alemanha (tentativa de uma vision geral).’– Antiquity and Occident 62, 114–181. Weise, Stefan (ed.) (2017). Hellenistic! Grego antigo como língua literária na Europa moderna. (Palingenesia; 107.) Stuttgart: Franz Steiner. Wittram, Reinhard (1973). História do Báltico: os países bálticos Livonia, Estônia, Courland, 1180-1918: fundamentos e perspectivas. Munich: Oldenburg. (Reprint unaltered from the first edition of 1954.)

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Abstract The article provides an overview of the current state of research on Humanistic Greek in Estonia and Livonia in the 16th and 17th centuries, focusing on important genres and their European origins. First, the essay presents the isolated case of the poetry of Gregor Krüger and reveals the challenges of the introduction of humanistic Greek in Estonia in the 1550s. The main focus of the article is on scholastic humanism as the main context of Greek studies and Greek practice humanistic in Estonia during the 17th century. After discussing Johannes Gezelius's Handbooks of Greek and various types of evidence of Greek education such as albumin letters and writings, the article proceeds to the main genres. The Greek speeches (by Gregor Krüger, David Cunitz and Ionas Kiörling) deal with the predominantly German context and speech tradition in Greater Sweden, with the Greek disputes of Johannes Gezelius and Ericus Holstenius, the German influence on Västerås Gymnasium is suggested. The final part of the article focuses on the general dynamics of casual Greek poetry practice in Estonia, as well as its formal and generic diversity, comparing Estonian and Latvian corpora of humanistic Greek poetry. In three of the four print shops (Academia Gustaviana in Tartu and Academia Gustavo-Carolina in Tartu and Pärnu, Tallinn and Riga Gymnasia) the dynamic is similar; we only have information on 5 Greek poems from the turn of the 17th to the 18th century from Mitau ) and can be explained by the influence of historical events: heyday of Greek (as well as other humanities) in the second half of the Thirty Years' War, downward trends in the second half of the century, with a long absence of Greek poetry (1556-1575 in general, 1656-1691 in Tartu), due to the plague and the Northern Wars and, in the case of Tartu, the closure of the Academy. If we look at the occasions of poetry, we see the direct influence of the context of its origin: in academia, congratulation (for a dispute, dissertation, speech or book) is the most important genre, in Tallinn and Riga Gymnasia , Epitalamia and Epidia prevail . What is more surprising is that the same contrast between secondary and academic education also persists in relation to the prosodic form of occasional poetry: in the Gustavian Academy and in the Gustavo-Carolina Academy, elegiac couplets and hexameters prevail (a congratulation of the end of the century XVII appears as a result of possible influence from Turku Academy), while secondary schools have a much wider range in the use of meters. At the end of the article, the background of some types of poems and formal devices of the Estonian corpus is explored, including Pindaric ode, polyglot poem, cent, acrostic, anagram, Carmen figuratum, Greek chronostic, palindrome, verse signature and motto.

II The Spread of Greek: Language, Texts, and Theory

ANASTASIUS MICHAEL MACEDO AND HIS DISCOURSE ON HELLENISM Charalampos Minaoglou

From the fall of Constantinople (1453) until the Greek Revolution (1821), Greek scholars traveling to Europe to teach or study were faced with the need to introduce themselves to European scholars and nobles. In particular, Greek scholars who wanted to make a living teaching Greek had to emphasize their origins and their superior knowledge of Greek, saying that for them Greek was not just a subject of study and a sign of scholarship, but their mother tongue. They weren't just scholars who learned Greek in school by studying ancient Greek texts with a few teachers. In their everyday communication, they spoke a modern form of the same language, Modern Greek, and were therefore the most able Hellenists, as they researched the entire development of the Greek language and could understand and interpret ancient Greek texts more accurately than most. the Europeans. colleagues, who were just learning the ancient form of Greek, studied the Greek language. Many Greek scholars who lived and taught in Europe during the Renaissance expressed these views. Less well known are the cases of Greek Enlightenment scholars who emphasized their Greek origins to support their curricula;1 but the person under study is neither a Renaissance nor an Enlightenment scholar. Anastácio Miguel (c. 1675-1725) lived in an era that was outside the limits of the previous two periods. Greek Language and Greek History. Despite his great erudition, Michael is not a well-known personality. Little is known about him, and for serious reasons: Michael didn't leave much of his own work behind, his major work being incomplete and written in humanistic (or archaic) Greek. Scholars of today who follow early 1st century Greek scholars

See Harris 1995. Geanakoplos 1962. Geanakoplos 1976. Kitromilides 1978. The modern Greek Enlightenment developed mainly during the second half of the eighteenth century and up to the Greek Revolution (1750-1821). See Kitromilides 1978.

2

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Modern times (1453-1821) are not well acquainted with humanistic Greek, as most Greek scholars of the period used a much more vulgar form of the Greek language (a hybrid form, a form between humanistic and vulgar). the Greek clearly humanistic, as Michael did. There is no information about his early life, other than the fact that his birthplace was Naoussa, in Western Macedonia (northern Greece). In his speech on Hellenism we can trace some autobiographical information.3 He studied at Giouma's School in Ioannina, the capital of Epirus, with the famous Greek teacher of his time, George Sougdoures (ca. 1645–1725).4 He cared to help his master at copying manuscripts. Two important philologists, Alexios Spanos5 and Margarites Manthou6, were colleagues of his. He also attended Parthenios Katsoules's classes at the Epiphanios School, Ioannina's other school.7 Many Greek Orthodox prelates supported him spiritually and financially; but he was most indebted to Ecumenical Patriarch Gabriel III, Patriarch of Alexandria Gerasimos Palladas, and Archbishop Zosimas of Ohrid. From his writings it can be assumed that he also knew the patriarch of Jerusalem, Chrysanthos. He was also associated with the Kantakouzenes, the Maurocordates and the Kantemirs, Greek Orthodox noble families of Constantinople and the Danubian principalities (Wallachia and Moldavia).8 After Ioannina, he spent a short period in Corfu in 1702 to prepare for his trip to Venice. However, he changed his mind and decided to postpone his trip to Europe. Instead, he went to Constantinople, “the capital of Greek literature of his time,” as he called it.9 There he met Adhard Adelung,10 who took him to Halle, although according to the writings of his friend Alexander Helladios go to Venice to travel.11 In August 1703 we find him in Germany, enrolled as a student in the faculty of theology

3

For Anastasius Michael and his Discourse on Hellenism, see Minaoglou 2014. See Minaoglou 2014: 13. 5 He was a teacher and wrote an as yet unpublished grammar that survives in many manuscripts (Vranousis 1995: 781). 6 Margarites Manthou was enrolled as a student at the University of Padua in 1703 (Ploumidis 1971: 123). 7 The priest-monk Parthenios Katsoules succeeded Meletios Metrou as rector of the Epiphanios school in Ioannina. Katsoules held the position of director from 1692 to 1696 and was a pioneer of Greek folklore. 8 See Minaoglou 2014: 89–90, 98, 100–101, 107–110, 117 and 132. 9 See Minaoglou 2014: 104 and 107. 10 See Moennig 1999: 81. 11 See Moennig 2003a: 115. 4

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the University of Halle;12 until at least 1710 he continued to live permanently in Germany and occasionally traveled to Holland. In the same period he traveled for the first time to Russia. During these years he was associated with many German scholars, Hellenists and Orientalists, as the study of the Greek language was integrated into Oriental Studies at most European universities.13 Among these scholars was, for example, the Hellenist Johann Michael Langius ( 1664-1731). ). ), who realized that Michael was making corrections in his works.14 His circle extended beyond the Hellenists, for among his friends was the armenologist Johann Joachim Schröder (1680–1756).15 In Halle he had the opportunity, including Jews under guidance Literature to be studied by J. H. Michaelis.16 In addition to his cooperation with the German Hellenists, he collaborated with Alexander Helladios, to whom he dedicated the following epigram, which was published in a book by Helladios: Ἑλλάδος ἐσσὶ κλέος χ' ᾅδε Θεσσαλίης. Καί σε φέρον γὲ μ ἐπ 'ἀπείρονα γαῖαν ὁρᾶσθαι, κάλλος ὀλυμπιάδων, ἱόμενον σοφίῃ. Γερμανίης ὀμφὴν σῆς ἄφθονον ἑλλίδος ἦγες, καὶ φίλαν ἑλλαδίοις πάτραν τν τελέεις. . . Τοὶ τὲ καὶ αὐτέῳ ἰατρίης ὄχα φρεσσὶ μέμηλε; Καὶ γνῶσιν βοτανῶν ἔξοχα φρεσσὶ φέρεις. Ἱπποκράτης ἄρ’ ἔοις, καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος θεοειδής. Τοῦ δ’ ἐπειή τε δέμας τιτθὸς ἐὼν φερέεις. Ὣς γ 'ἕλλην τὲ σοφὸς πολλῶν ῥ ἀ ἀντάιος ἄ ἄ κ ἀαὶ ἀλεάάνδρου, κᾄᾄᾄ θεσαλ.

12

Moennig 1998, 314-316, Makridis 2003: 160. The Halle Pietists formed the core of his team. See Eideneier 1994: 123-136. 14 Langius, Philologiae Barbaro-Graecae, 1708, first part sob the title “Meletema”, paragraph XVI [without pagination]. 15 Cf. Minaoglou 2014: 15. 16 Makridis 1997: 18. 17 Ἀλέξανδρος Ἑλλάδιος, The present state of the Greek Church, after the prologue [without pagination] There Michael is mentioned as "Anastasius Macedo, Nausensis, member of the famous Royal Society of Prussia" 13

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"Answers" Helladios mentioned Michael several times in his work.18 We also know that Michael had contacts with Seraphim Mytileneus, another Greek scholar, with whom Michael traveled to Germany and Russia. he appears to have resided there permanently from 1715 onwards. In Russia he had great influence at the court of Peter the Great, especially in ecclesiastical matters. He was one of the Greeks who served Peter the Great (1672–1725); he also dedicated one of his works to his patron.20 He was a member of the special committee set up by Peter to prepare the new Slavic translation of the Bible.21 In 1722 the tsar appointed him deputy to the synod of the Synod of the Russian Church.22 During his career in Russia, he worked with Andrey Artamonovich Matveev (1666–1728), son of the famous Russian scholar and statesman Artamon Sergeyevich Matveev (1625–1682),23 who was a favorite of the Tsar and ambassador to London, Vienna and The Hague, where met Michael. Michael would die in Peter's Russia in 1725.24 Michael was a great scholar and the first Greek to become a member of the Brandenburg Academy (Berlin), one of the three oldest academies in the world, in 1707.25 The academy was founded in 1700 by Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716), who was its president until his death.26 Michael dedicated his work to the Prussian Academy, known until recently as Περιηγηματικόν Πυκτάτιον. The name Περιηγηματικόν Πυκτάτιον was assigned to him through a misunderstanding. The work is preserved in a single copy without a title page and cut off after page 216.27

18

See, for example, Helladios, Status Presence, 1714: 62-63, 321, 328, 342-343. See Makridis 1997: 32–33 and 2003: 162. 1710. See also Minaoglou 2014: 195–207. 21 See Makridis 1997: 18. 22 See Benesevic 1933: 354. 23 Artamon Matveev had a collaborative and friendly relationship, similar to that of his son Michael, with Nicholaos Spatharios (ca. 1630-1710), the former prominent scholar of the Greek language, which served in Russia. See Mihail 2009:7–62, Chentsova 2013:44. 24 See Minaoglou 2014:16.25 Michael was elected on June 21, 1707, http://www.bbaw.the/the-academy/academics/historical/alphabetical- classification ?letter=M. 26 For the history of the Brandenburg Academy in the 18th century, see Harnack. A photographic reproduction of this is available at the Research Center for Medieval and Modern Hellenism at the Academy of Athens. For a recent publication, see Minaoglou 2014. For more on the work and the misunderstanding that led to the title Περιηγηματικὸν Πυκτάτιον (A Selection of Travels), see Minaoglou 2014: 9–1 19

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Anastastius Michael's Discourse on Hellenism Michael's friend Alexander Helladios has written a very interesting commentary which may be relevant to the Discourse on Hellenism and the way in which it has been preserved. In his work entitled Status Praesens (1714)28, Helladios referred to a book that Michael had to give up printing in the printing process: , stopped them and led them to another. […] I am not ignorant of the most secret schemes of some Greeks, the heinous frauds and the most nefarious gains attempted in their name. Furthermore, I am not ignorant of what happened to Anastasius while he was directing his journey to Berlin, and with what prayers the vanquished suppressed the book on the condition of young Greeks who had devoted themselves to study in those parts of Europe. I know nothing [...] what happened to Anastasio of Amsterdam. [...] I make it clear to everyone and everyone: I will not boast too much about being born of Greek parents, for my country and for my people, but when I see them suffer such injuries for an unjust cause, not once my parents , much less those to whom the slanders of Greece and the slanders of the Greeks are most beneficial, and from whom I by no means spare them, serving their own interests; Therefore, the times have not changed the character of the Greeks.

Thus, Discourse on Hellenism would be the book which, according to Michael de Helladio, was forced to stop in print; this helps to explain why only one copy of the book is known and in this form, with no title page and no pages remaining after page 216.30 Printing was well advanced and the cover unprinted when Michael had to retrieve his book. He could have asked the publisher to bind only one or more copies of the book to the last printed page for personal use. Of course, this adds a likely explanation, but it still remains a hypothesis until more evidence is available. This text may have been his introductory speech to the Academy on the occasion of his election as a member. The surviving part of the book does not contain any travelogues. It is a treatise, an appeal to Hellenism, and presents Greek scholarship, culture, and language.

28

His approach to the Greek language and its pronunciation is similar to that expressed by Michael in his discourse on Hellenism. For the Helladios approach, see Karamanolis 2003, 333–413. 29 Helladios, Status praesens, 1714: 327-329. 30 See Minaoglou 2014: 9–16.

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Fall of Constantinople (1453).31 One argument against the anti-Greek position of several European Hellenists of Michael's day is that the Greeks had ceased to exist. Scholars' argument against the existence of Greeks in the late 17th century was derived from the Greek language of the time. Because the Greeks at the time adopted Modern Greek (Vulgar Greek), which some scholars considered a different language, Modern Greek speakers, Modern Greeks, were considered non-Greeks. Michael, with very strong linguistic arguments, well documented with examples from a comparative perspective, including Latin, Hebrew, Russian, Armenian and other languages, proved that the development of the Greek language of his time and the differences in syntax and vocabulary between ancient Greek and Ancient Greek and Modern Greek were trivial compared to the differences between the other ancient languages ​​(Latin and Hebrew) and the differences between forms of "modern" languages ​​like Russian or Armenian. Furthermore, he wrote his speech in humanistic Greek to prove only by way of form that the Greeks of his day, although they spoke modern Greek, could also express themselves in the ancient form of their language, or at least in the form that was considered so ancient. in Europe.32 Michael also referred to other European scholars who supported this view of the Greek language and Hellenism, but focused his criticism on the authors of the work entitled ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ ΟΡΘΩΙΔΟΣ33. Although the notion that the accent of ancient Greek differed from that of modern Greek was widespread in the 17th century, not everyone concluded that modern Greek was a different language and therefore Greek no longer existed. But these ideas were expressed by Henninius, who suggested that Greek should be artificially pronounced according to a system based on Latin pronunciation. It followed the pronunciation introduced by Isaac Vossius (1618–1689),34 whose text was published as the last part of the volume of ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ ΟΡΘΩΙΔΟΣ.35 Vossius was a widely traveled Dutch scholar who published anonymously in 1673 his study De gedicht cantu et viribus rhythmi , in which he argued that stress was absent in ancient Greek. This unprecedented opinion was accepted by Henninius, who expanded it further and concluded that the Greek language must do so.

31

See Angelou 1974: 4. See Minaoglou 2014: 87–193. 33 Henninius, The Catholic Church, 1684. 34 Jorink; van Miert eds 2012. Vossius owned one of the largest public libraries in Europe. See Balsem 1994. 35 The text is entitled: In the opinion of Isaac Vossius, the most learned man, on Greek sotaques, in Henninius, ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ ΟΡΘΩΙΔΟΣ 1684: 135–146. 32

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as Latin should be pronounced, and therefore the penultimate rule should be applied in Greek as in Latin!36 This was, in his opinion, the authentic pronunciation of Greek. The views of Vossius and Henninius prevailed in England and the Netherlands, while being rejected elsewhere in Europe. In Germany, in particular, they were adopted by some scholars in the early 18th century, who later abandoned them. In England they became popular, causing the first form of the "monotonic" system to appear in eighteenth-century editions of ancient Greek texts, due to the omission of the circumflex.37 Michael was considered a prominent Hellenist among his European peers, although it is known that did not publish its own monographs. Like most Greek scholars in Europe in the early modern period,38 he was forced to work for European Hellenists in order to earn a living.39 His three known contributions to the great works of European Hellenists attest to his high academic standing. Michael was not among the Greeks who went to Europe to learn Greek, but to teach Greek. Proof of this is his election as a foreign member of the Academy of Brandenburg (Berlin) and the evaluation of his erudition by some renowned German Hellenists, such as academic August Hermann Francke (1663-1727), orientalist and Hellenist, academic Friedrich Hoffmann (1660 -1742 ) and the Hellenist Johann Tribbechovius (1677-1712). Europe. At the same time, however, his speech served as an important scholarly essay among European Hellenists, who thus had authentic testimony to the Greek language and the Greeks of their time. Furthermore, this testimony was

36

Allen 2000:174-75. From the middle of the 18th century there were also strong criticisms of these views in England. See Allen 2000:176-177. 38 See, for example, Metrophanes Kritopoulos (1589-1639), who was a similar figure to Michael (Moennig 1994: 161-198). 39 He had many contributions to the theological works of the Halle Pietists. Most of these contributions were published against his will. The Pietists used many private passages from their translation of the New Testament and published them in their works, but mostly after his death. See Moennig 1999: 71, 76–78, 81 and 103. 40 On the attitudes of Francke and Hoffmann, see Minaoglou 2011: 422–424. For Tribbechovius, see Michael's letter published in J. Tribbechovius, Brevia Linguae Ρωμαϊκῆς sive Graecae Vulgaris Elementa, 1705, without pagination (the letter is in Greek with a Latin translation). 37

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made by someone who was descended from Greeks and mastered the Greek language as a mother tongue. The central purpose, the advancement of Hellenism, suitably served to achieve three specific goals set out by Michael: a) to refute the anti-Greek views expressed by some European Hellenists, that the post-classical Greek language was not Greek, and consequently, early modern Greeks were not Greeks, b) to portray Greek scientific and educational activities under Ottoman rule, and c) to underscore the influence of Hellenism on both Orthodox peoples (essentially the Balkan and Russian peoples) and Europeans. In his speech, he pointed out the linguistic misinterpretation of anti-Greek Hellenists with strong arguments based on passages from the full range of Greek literature (ancient-medieval and early modern).41 To support his arguments, he cited some prominent European scholars, whom he called Philelenos, and whose opinions were similar to his own. He considered many Europeans to be true friends of Hellenism and true teachers of the Greek language, but he was referring mainly to Johann Michael Langius (1664-1731)42 and in particular to Johann Rudolf Wettstein (1647-1711).43 In addition to citing other opinions , he presented his own arguments drawn from comparative linguistics. Referring to Latin and Hebrew, he showed how changes in phonology, tone, vocabulary and syntax over the centuries made their ancient forms languages ​​almost different from their early modern form compared to the similar changes that occurred in the Greek language; but, as he noted, no one has questioned their continuity and the fact that they are the earliest modern forms of Hebrew and Latin. He strongly suggested that the Greek of his time was exactly the same language as the Greek of the classical era (5th century BC), with minor changes in syntax and vocabulary. He concluded that the views of the anti-Greek Hellenists were due to their poor knowledge of Greek. This appeal features Greek scholars under Ottoman rule who demonstrated the historical continuity of Hellenism as Greek scholars of the period

41

His attitudes and conclusions about the history of the Greek language are almost fully accepted by current science. See Horrocks 2010. 42 See Langius, A Sucinct Introduction to Barbaro-Greek Poetry 1707; Langius, Philologiae Barbaro-Graecae, 1708. Although Michael and Philhellene's friend Langius included the term "Barbaro-Graeca" in the title of his work so as not to confuse his readers, in his book he used the term "Barbaro-Graeca" in Following the standard bibliography of his time, almost exclusively uses the term "Neo-Greek" and its derivatives. 43 Cf. Wettstein, On Greek and Actual Greek Pronunciations, 1681.

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At least until Michael's time, Ottoman-occupied Greek territories traveled west primarily as teachers of Greek. Hence your rhetorical question is: "How did Europeans accept those who did not know the language as teachers of Greek"? His argument was that Greek education in the Ottoman Empire continued to be cultivated by Greeks. To achieve his third objective of showing the influence of the Hellenism of his time on non-Greeks, he gave some examples of Orthodox Balkan peoples, who, although not of Greek origin, were linguistically and spiritually Hellenized since they used Greek as their language. language of communication and writing, and considered themselves Greeks. The "sovereign" and highest form of education among Wallachians, Bulgarians, Albanians and even Slavic scholars was Greek. These people presented themselves as Greeks on their trips to Europe and wanted to convince Europeans of their Greekness (ἑλληνικότητα); Furthermore, every European scholar continued to regard the Greek language as an absolutely necessary part of his scholarship. Consequently, he concluded that it was impossible for everyone, both East and West, to recognize the Greek language of his time as Greek, even if it was not really Greek. How did they all accept their native speakers as teachers if they weren't really Greeks?44 Thus, in Michael's speech, we see the first well-documented Greek attempt to respond to ancient modern anti-Greek. With the term we refer to all texts, speeches and actions against modern Hellenism. The anti-Greek movement was an unprecedented attempt to convey the idea that Hellenism no longer exists, not that it is bad or wrong. In his speech, Michael refuted not only the anti-Greek linguistic biases, but also the historical biases that a minority of European scholars had embraced. The most important of the anti-Greek historical arguments was that the Macedonians were not Greeks. Michael clearly stated that Macedonia is part of Greece, and in fact - he added - it is more Greek than Attica because the Greeks came from Thessaly, which is closely related to and borders Macedonia. The Macedonians, along with the other Greeks, conquered the entire world and spread the Greek language and culture around the world. Even before Alexander's campaign against Persia, the Macedonian dialect was the first common Greek dialect, from which all other Greek dialects arose:45

44 45

Siehe Minaoglou 2014: 17–49. Minaoglou 2014: 186–187.

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Rather let it be contradicted, for above all Attic you hear it Hellenized as well as Aeolic, Ionized, and Dorianized, and before Cranaus he was (like Thucydides in the first story) the Thessalian, and not even living in Macedonia A Greek, as well as this, the Greek of Thessaly, therefore (according to Aristotle's Bible. I ch. Id. of Meteorol.) Earlier Greeks, later called Greeks, Philip being a Greek not long before Demosthenes ; The Macedonians of Attica. [...] To Macedonia, not only with that of Greece, but with all the small and great of this last world, Hellenism, according to the oracles of the hierophants, applies to those who were prophesied to Daniel about it, a resounding ore, across the country I spoke aloud, you peoples, tribes and languages ​​and almost all races of people, in anticipation of what I want to do in the future to the ends of the world Greeks, according to the apostates, there not there is no climate, no religion, no nation of Asia and Europe, so much so that he is Greek in voice, in behavior, in political administration, in ceremonies, and in all that is xylivden, for those by whom the lives of men are adorned, ruled, and to the present exudes Zopyron), but since, and much more than that, the common and first mother of Hellenism, I have financed every Greek oil of dialects derived, from one, first of all, the Hellenic Hellenic community , (as Corinth explains in matters of dialects) language sprouted, this, glory, after this the and that of the inalienable Greek surname.

In the years surrounding his election as a foreign member of the Academy in Brandenburg (Berlin), Michael seems to have dealt intensively with the subject of anti-Greek scholars. In the case of Michael, it is clear that the Greeks fully understood the plans of the Halle Pietists, who they wanted to use to proselytize among the Orthodox people. But Greek scholars like Michael had no choice but to stay and try to use the opportunities offered to them at Halle for their own purpose, the projection of Hellenism.46 Next to Michael, the Greek's most outstanding example Another worthy supporter in the struggle for Hellenism was Alexander Helladio,47 who also knew the circle of Hellenists and at the same time Pietists of Halle, as his works show

46 47

Vgl. Makridis 2003: 168. Siehe Psimmenos 2004: 23–52.

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Correspondence with Francke.48 Helladios undertook to answer the malicious accusations against the continuity of Hellenism not theoretically, like Michael, but practically. In 1712 he published a grammar of the contemporary Greek of his time, applying all the axioms formulated by Michael in his discourse on Hellenism. As a prologue to his grammar, he wrote a fantastic dialogue on the pronunciation of modern Greek, in which he ridiculed the opinions of Henninius and Vossius49, the authors of Ἑλληνισμὸς Ὀρθωιδός. In conclusion, although not decisive in the course of European research on the Greek language, the influence of the views of Michael, Helladio and other Greek scholars must have played a role in changing the prevailing attitude towards Greek pronunciation and also towards the language. modern Greek. and your speakers.

Bibliografia I. Old Prints Helladios, Alexandros (1712) Estaquiologia da voz grega, ou seja, grego gramatical por interrogativo e $in, the technical commentary on Grazisms or Grakism or Grakism or Grakism or Grakism or Grakism or GRAKISM or GRAKECISM or GRAKECISM or GRAKECISM or GRAKECISM or GRAKECISM or GRAKECISM ANT or WORD. Nuremberga: Johannes Ernesti Adelbulner. (VD18 14557096005) (http://www.mdz-nbn-reresolution.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn=urn:nbn:de:bvb:12bsb10585539-1) Helladios, Alexandros (1714) rlexands 1714). The Present State of the Greek Church. Altdorf: ARS (VD18 1531278). Henninius, Heinrich Christianus (1684). HELLENISMOS ORTHOIDOS, or that the Greek language should not be pronounced after stress? Dissertation paradoxes demonstrating the legitimad and ancient pronunciation and modulation of the Greek language? Added to the great man Salomon Dierquens is Isaac Vossius, De Accentibus Graecanicis movement. Utrecht: Rudolfus a Zyll. (digitized by GoogleBooks, https://books.google.ee/books?vid=K BNL:UBA000025851&redir_esc=y) Langius, Johannes (1707). A Brief Introduction to Barbarian Greek Poetry. Aubeurs, Homer's Batrachomyomachia was converted into barbaric-Greek verse by Demetrius Zeno, with a Latin interpretation and annotations by B. Martin Crusius.-Joh. Me. Langii

48

See Moennig 2003b: 125–149. The dialogue is titled Dialogue on Greek Pronunciation in Europe and the participants are Melissos and Agapios. Covers the first 58 pages of the volume without pagination. Alexandros Helladios, Technological Stachyology of the Greek Voice, 1712. 49

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A second part of the Barbaro-Greek Philology. Appendices I. Introduction to barbarian Greek poetry, II.Batrachomyomachy of Homer [...] III. Dissertation on the N. T. Barbaro-Greek version, IV. An exercise in the difference between the ancient and modern Greek languages, Barbaro-Greek. Altdorf: Public J.G. Kohles. (https://download.digitalcollections.of/BOOKS/download.pl?id=bsb11223862) Langius, John (1708). Barbaric Greek Philology, Vol. 1. Noriberg and Altdorf: Wilhelm Kohlesius. Mikhail, Anastasios (1710) = Mikhail, Anastasios (1710). The Royal Show (Royal Show). Amsterdam: Henrik Bruin. Tribbechovius, John (1705). Short elements of Ρωμαϊκῆς or Greek vernacular. Jena: Johann Bielke, Typis Nisianis. Wettstein, John Rudolf (1681). Apologetic speeches for Greek and the genuine pronunciation of the Greek language against the novo mode of pronunciation defended sporadically by scholars. Amsterdam: Henry Wettstein; Basel: Jacob Bertsch.

II Secondary Literature Allen, W. Sidney (2000). Vox Graeca: The pronunciation of Greek in the classical period, trans. Karali, Maria and Parasoglou, Georgios. Thessaloniki: Institute of Modern Greek Studies. Angelou, Alkis (1974) = Angelou, Alkis (1974). "Attempts at an Appraisal of Modern Greek Literature During the Era of the Modern Greek Enlightenment." – Oeraniste 11, 1-16. Balm, Astrid (1994). "Libri omissi" Italiani del Cinquecento provenenti da Bibliotheca di Isaac Vossius. Leiden: Rijksuniversität. Benesevic, Vladimir (1933). "Anastasius Nausios." - Byzantino-New Greek Yearbooks 10, 351-368. Eideneier, Hans (1994). 'Martinus Crusius and the Consequences.'- Eideneier, Hans (ed.), Graeca Recentiora in Germania. German-Greek cultural relations from the 15th to the 19th centuries. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 123-136. Geanakoplos, Deno (1962). Greek Scholars in Venice: Studies in the Spread of Greek Scholarship from Byzantium to Western Europe. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Geanakoplos, Deno (1976). Interaction of the "brothers" of Byzantine and Western cultures in the Middle Ages and Italian Renaissance. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Harnack, Adolf (1900). History of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences in Berlin. Vol. 1. Berlin: Reichsdruckerei. Harris, Jonathan (1995). Greek Emigrants in the West 1400-1520. Camberley: Porphyrogenitus. Horrocks, Geoffrey (2010). Greek: A History of the Language and its Speakers. 2nd ed. West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell.

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Jorink, Eric; Miert, Dirk van (ed.) (2012). Isaac Vossius (1618-1689) between science and erudition. (Brill's Studies in Intellectual History; 214.) Leiden: Brill. Karamanolis, Georgios (2003) = Karamanolis, Georgios (2003). 'Alexander Helladio's Opinion on Ancient Greek Pronunciation and His Contemporaries' Theories of the Greek Language.'('Alexander Helladio's Opinion on Ancient Greek Pronunciation and His Contemporaries' Theories of the Greek Language.') , V. = Makridis, B. (ed.), Alexandros Helladios ὁ Larisaios, Proceedings of the International Conference (Larisa September 4-5, 1999). Larisa: Historical Museum of Folklore, 333–413. Kitromilides, Paschalis (1978). Tradition, Enlightenment and Revolution. Doctoral thesis, Harvard University. Makridis, Vasileios (1997) = Makridis, Vasileios (1997). "Evidence on Alexander Helladius's Relations with Russia." - Memoirs 19, 9-39. Makridis, Vasileios (2003) = Makridis, Vasileios (2003). "Matthew Lephas's unpublished letter to Alexander Helladius." - Makridis, V. = Makridis, B. (ed.), Alexandros Helladios ὁ Larisaios, Proceedings of the International Conference (Larisa September 4-5, 1999). Larisa: Historical Museum of Folklore, 151-179. Mihail, Zamfira (2009). Nicolae le Spathaire Milescu traverses his manuscripts. Bucharest: Editura Academiei Romane. Minaoglou, Charalampos (2011) = Minaoglou, Charalampos (2011). “From Anastácio Miguel to George Zaviras.” – Koliopoulos, Ioannis; Michailidis, Iakovos = Koliopoulos, Ioannis; Michaelidis, Iakovos (ed.), The Macedonians in the Diaspora (17th, 18th, and 19th Centuries). Thessaloniki: Society for Macedonian Studies, 419–435. Minaoglou, Charalampos (2014) = Minaoglou, Charalampos (2014). Anastasius Michael the Macedonian and the Discourse on Hellenism. (Anastasius Michael the Macedonian and his Discourse on Hellenism) [Annotated Edition of Anastasius Michael's Discourse on Hellenism]. Athens: Alternate Editions. MOENNIG, Ulrich (1994). 'Matthias Bernegger's personal copy of the Glossarium graecobarbarum by Ioannes Meursius with corrections by Metrophanes Kritopoulos.'- Eideneier, Hans (ed.), Graeca Recentiora in Germania. German-Greek cultural relations from the 15th to the 19th centuries. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 161-198. MOENNIG, Ulrich (1998). 'The Greek Students at the Halle Collegium orientale theologicum.' - Wallmann, Johannes; Sträter, Udo (ed.), Halle and Eastern Europe. On the European splendor of Halle's Pietism. Tubingen: Harrassowitz, 299-329. MOENNIG, Ulrich (1999). Modern Greek editions of Johann Heinrich Callenberg's Typographia Orientalis. (The modern Greek editions of the Oriental publishing house, by Johann Heinrich Callenberg.) Athens: Ερμῆς.

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Moennig, Ulrich (2003a). The current state of Alexander Helladiou. A slander of the Halle Pietists.'('Alexander Helladius' Status Praesens: A slander of the Halle Pietists.')- Makridis, V. = Makridis, B. (ed.), Alexandros Helladios ὁ Larisaios, Proceedings of the International Conference ( Larisa, September 4-5, 1999). Larisa: Historical Museum of Folklore, 101-123. Moennig, Ulrich (2003b). "Three autographed letters from Helladios to August Hermann Francke." ('Three autographed letters from Helladios to August Hermann Francke.') - Makridis, V. = Makridis, B. (ed.), Alexandros Helladios ὁ Larisaios, Proceedings of the International Conference (Larisa 4–5 September 1999). Larisa: Historical Museum of Folklore, 125-149. Ploumidis, Georgios (1971) = Ploumidis, Georgios (1971). "The enrollment records of Greek students at the University of Padua (Part B. Legisti 1591-1809)." 195. Psimmenos, Nikolaos (2004) = Psimmenos, Nikolaos (2004). 'The Testimony of Alexander Helladios on 'Gender Education in the Early Modern Greek Enlightenment.' = Psimmenos, N. (ed.), Studies in Modern Greek Philosophy. Vol. 1. Ioannina: Dothion, 23-52. Chentsova, Vera (2013). 'Byzantine Eschatology and Historical Thought at the Court of Alexis Romanov: Païsios Ligaridès, Nicolas le Spathaire and Francesco Barozzi aux origines du messianisme russe.'- Gonneau, Pierre; Rai, Ecatherina (ed.), Écrire et réécrire l'histoire russe d'Ivan le Terrible for Vasilij Ključevskij. Paris: Institut d'études Slaves, 41-51. Vranousis, Leandros (1995) = Vranousis, Leandros (1995). Newspaper. Vol.5. Athens: Academy of Athens.

Abstract Anastasius Michael (ca. 1675–1725) was a great Greek scholar and the first to become a member of the Brandenburg Academy (Berlin), one of the three oldest academies in the world, in 1707. Michael dedicated his work, which is known to the Prussian Academy to this day as Περιηγηματικόν Πυκτάτιον (A Selection of Travels). This text may have been his introductory speech to the Academy on the occasion of his election as a member. The surviving part of the book does not contain any travelogues. It is a treatise, an appeal to Hellenism, presenting Greek science, education and language after the fall of Constantinople (1453). It speaks against the anti-Greek position of several European Hellenists of Michael's day that the Greeks then ceased to exist. Scholars' argument against the existence of Greeks in the late 17th century was derived from the Greek language of the time. Since the Greeks at the time adopted Modern Greek (Vulgar Greek), which some scholars considered a different language, speakers of Modern Greek, Modern Greeks, were considered as such.

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not Greeks. Michael, with very strong and well documented linguistic arguments with examples from a comparative perspective, including Latin, Hebrew, Russian, Armenian and other languages, proved that the development of the Greek language of his time and the differences in syntax and vocabulary between ancient Greek and modern Greek was trivial compared with the differences between the other ancient languages ​​(Latin and Hebrew) and with the differences between forms of "modern" languages ​​like Russian or Armenian. Furthermore, he wrote his speech in humanistic Greek to prove only by way of form that the Greeks of his day, although they spoke modern Greek, could also express themselves in the ancient form of their language, or at least in the form that was considered so ancient. in Europe.

“DIALETHIC” VARIATION IN GREEK HUMANIST PROSATIONS IN THE GREAT EMPIRE OF SWEDEN (1631-1721) Erkki Sironen

This article is an overview of what I would like to call "dialectal" variants of approximately 120 pages of 13 sentences in humanistic Greek prose written between 1631 and 1721 in the Great Kingdom of Sweden. The most important monograph for the study of humanistic Greek in Finland and Sweden is Tua Korhonen's major work, Ateena Auran rannoilla (Diss. Helsinki 2004). It also lists (most of) these speeches.1 But, in light of new knowledge, I have provided an updated list of all known Swedish speeches in the appendix. However, the metric speeches and the much later manuscript speech of 1794 are excluded from the present survey. The vast majority of speeches (1–10) are short discussions written as the students' specimina eruditionis, i. H. Fellowship presentations, except #5 (congratulations) and #8 (funeral), which do not strictly belong in this category. On the other hand, the most recent ones (#11–13) are eulogies from established teachers. Two of these (#12 and 13) exist in manuscript form, and the 1693 speech by Laurentius Norrmannus (#11 below) was printed posthumously. Introductory Remarks Before describing the 'dialectical' profile of each particular speech, the quality of which varies according to the author's proficiency in Greek - from scholarly student eruditions to more or less panegyric efforts by university professors (particularly in the 1690s and early speeches by Norrmannus and Nesselius from the 18th century) in the presence of the King of Sweden - notably 1

However, it should be noted that I have patterned emphasis and capitalization against the humanistic Greek titles of the discourses under study. See Korhonen 2004: 460–462 (his list has been expanded with more recent manuscript discoveries). In addition to handwritten speeches, there are also several dispute exercises from Fants Collectanea that are not included in his list (Korhonen 2004: 459–460).

"Dialectal" Variation in Prayers in Humanistic Greek Prose in the Great Kingdom of Sweden 131

that the Greek dialects must have been conceived differently from views of modern dialectology or artificial classifications of language. Ancient grammarians spoke of Greek dialects only on the basis of literary dialects (Attic, Ionic, Aeolic, Doric, with the addition of Koiné).2 On the other hand, Swedish composers of humanistic Greek of the 17th century came with more or less contrasting influences , received from pagan Greek and New Testament authors and from Christian Byzantine authors.3 Furthermore, there were few limitations on adopting non-Attic forms (or non-Koine forms, for that matter) when composing a speech or short prose texts in humanistic Greek . Next, I distinguish between Attic and Koiné usage, considering koiné as a postclassical rather than Attic "compromise" of forms that were not taken as obviously "provincial" (such as Ionic and Greek κοινή γίνομαι, θάλασσα etc.), but came in several dialects.

Selected "dialectical" peculiarities Due to the variable quality of the texts, a linguistic test does not always seem to have been mandatory: the numerous errors, especially in the prints, are due to sloppy typography or the indistinct handwriting of the original autographs. I decided to analyze the occurrence of the following four features as relevant in an attempt to draw a "dialectal" profile of humanistic Greek prose: 1) γιν- versus γιγν- variants in the verbs γίγνομαι and γιγνώσκω;4 2) non-contracted vs. contracted vowels, like ἐνοχλέοντος instead of ἐνοχλοῦντος etc.; 5 3) singular genial ι-stem (along with singular and plural dative forms) of 3. Declension problems like π nachus εrig. ;6 4) -σσ- versus -ττ- variants in nouns, adjectives and verbs, such as γλῶσσα, περισσός, πράσσω etc.7

2

Buck 1955: 3. See, for example, comments in: Korhonen, Oksala, Sironen 2000: 156-158, 205-207. 4 According to Rix §105, the variant is γιγν- Attic, while γιν- is Ionic (1976: 94). 5 Rix gives Attic contraction rules in §59, but §61 notes that, at least as far as dialectal inscriptions are concerned, there seem to be no rules about when contraction occurs and when it does not (1976:52–53) . 6 Rix in §172 concerns the forms πόλιων, πόλισι Ionian, while πόλεων, πόλεσι are Attic (1976: 156–158). 7 Rix, in §102, considers the forms ἐρέττω, μέλιττα, etc. as Attic, but the variants ἐρέσσω, μέλισσα as Ionic and Doric (1976: 90–91). However, the latter could be many other dialects or Koiné, Tua Korhonen sees the choice between the γλῶττα and γλῶσσα variants as a choice between two different registers (Korhonen 2002). 3

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In addition, I occasionally comment on the use of other forms derived from epic diction. To assess the results of this analysis, the age and status of the Greek specimina eruditionis composers must be considered. The authors of nos. by established professors in their 40s (Norrmannus) and 50s (Nesselius).

Overview of Early and Middle Sentence Sentences in Humanistic Greek Prose The sentences of early and middle sentence sentences in Humanistic Greek Prose show general and Attic forms, which are presented below:8 1) Andreas Argillander, Discourse on the Study of Piety and Good Works. Oratio de studio pietatis et bonorum operum. Upsala 1631, word count: 2740. Andreas Andreae Argillander was a recent student of about 20 when he wrote his speech (Fant 1775–1786, I: 73–74 and Korhonen 2004: 460 no.1). Its dialect profile is mostly Koine, but the repetition of -ιος forms breaks the profile (14 Koine versus 9 Attic forms).

SICK. 1. A.A.Argillander, Discourse on the Study of Piety and Good Works. Uppsala 1631, A3v, ll16-25. (National Library of Sweden). 8th

For full titles, see Catalog of Reden, Korhonen 2004: 460–462 and its discussion at 392–414.

"Dialectal" Variation in Prayers in Humanistic Greek Prose in the Great Kingdom of Sweden 133

2) Martin Brennerus, Concise speech of drunkenness containing the desconfortáveis. Uppsala 1643 Count of words: 2,089. Martinus Canuti Brennerus (1616–1673) was a young Master of 27 years (Fant 1775–1786, I: 121–122 from Korhonen 2004: 460 no. 7). Esta é uma adaptação grega do latim Oratio succincta qua ebrietatem de Andreas Keckonius entheo cluntiq(ue) virtute pectori, nunqvam non exosam (Uppsala 1639), cf. Corhonen 2004: 397 f Variantes koinés γιν- (proporção 9:1) em contraste com variants predominantly áticas com -ττ (como πράττω) em vez de -σσ- (proporção 12:4). ; . . . . This discourse, like the preceding and the following, contains numerous typographical errors.

7;WMIB>A/UMÉéoñÜî(ke8RXWRZXMXÜmÜméméuÄÉåÄhúÉÄìoãPKDC% ÖkÉåêëwÜFçÄoàéúää#í(çmFà!oñéÄÜäñé(gÉ.FoaoéHYokóí zukÄòí_èk3pkÉ%ÜëkççÇäà-#A4zékìoÉ(éçäçñçm"É(ÄååÄçÄå) å!éxF(pmìÜ}+D:?.6DG-(6' çñFÄéñpç;4;)ú4!#Üçkok! oñéÄÜäñéãkãÄ(g#çäçàoÉêé(k&å$êÖñoäêé*~måmìokÉêä(%[áà) 3G&8"7 9A6.PYHWMRKORYMIMHGî#åãpãá+kçkFMHH+5G)@Mäîú> kéFèñúêí(êçàmåkámY(mkéJWMW/MZvmëÄoê (-ÉãkìîàoéF(ñoyçà uåkám/ék&áÉçÉkímíäéôké#èñooF(mîÜééÄÜãFÄkåríãÉkìop ~}àíoìëwÜ|(rúoáÖoaoÄçkoÄÇFêékíäFpkäåÄí)Å!ú!ìçÉkí .MO#RQUJMTWMAeBN.DLMZU*GFMFPW""RWQRYJ3Q,#6=:!2åêÜäDWQXa àçõéáàoà3o#.Ä0åÄçÄ4åêézäçïoaâma(Poà*oäãoèÉrFuéÜ 2. M.C.Brennerus, Succinct Oratio Ebrietatis Unbequem Continens, Uppsala 1643, Δ1v, ll2–13 (Swedish National Library).

3) Andreas Carlinus, Περὶ τῆς πίστεως λεξίδιον. Oratio de fide. Upsala 1644 Word count: 2009. Andreas Nicolai Carlinus must have been a young student when he wrote this speech, as he did not graduate until 1652 (cf. Fant 1775–1786, I: 122 and Korhonen 2004: 460 no.8). Its dialectal profile appears indecisive, resurrecting the Attic variant -εως (32:1) while favoring the non-Attic variant γίνομαι (5:0). Speech favors the Attic and Koiné contraction over the open (ie, uncontracted) forms (28:11), but the odds -σσ- or -ττ are undecided (3:2 ratio).

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X) L! QPK - & i{}wÑ izÑ iz åf v Ä~ Ä1 há iz y~f Ä B7)W AQ(.0.13izÑ É)v% y- q Ñ f ~f ÄÇÄ$V/ r vr ij c 5 ? See }s ÇiÉDOV] | f if iw(vÄiz Ñ,+,.- 9 9 VSDU 787"+ ÖCÑ( "äiq &%() we use attentive voice, soft chorus, constant tom, alternation, maximum speed

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among others in Rhetorica ad Herennium (4.65)10 or fictiones personarum as it is called in Quintilian's Institute of Oratory (9.2.29-34). Jorge's oratio morata, therefore, correctly reproduces speech "that is attributed to a specific person, such as a slave, master, miser, or spendthrift" (26: that single person attribuitur, ut servo aut domino, miser aut prodigo), and at the same time it contains her beauty (suavitas, gr. γλυκύτης) and wit (acmen, gr. δριμύτης and ὠκύτης). the anonymous authors Hermogenes (B.352-253) and George (29) intend to present the speech not only "as custom, reputation and nature dictate" (our duty, our opinion, our natural postulate), but also to be simple and humble, because as such it should be more natural and plausible. In contrast, gravitas as a desirable feature of both style and language is well documented by the time of Cicero's Deinventione (1.25; 1.109; 2.35 and 2.49) and the Rhetorica ad Herennium (1.13; 2.23; 4.11, 15, 19, 32). ), 34, 38, 45, 51 and 69), although George, who first translated δεινότης by this Latin term, simultaneously created a new superordinate category, the same one already present in the treatise of Hermogenes, which he wrote (De ideis B . 369 ): “Violence in a speech is nothing more than the proper use of all the types of styles previously discussed, and their opposites, and all other elements used to form the body of a speech.”12 What is it? particularly interesting is that in a situation where he could benefit from a ready-made Latin term used in the stylistic context of Cicero, the Auctor Ad Herennium or Quintilian, he preferred to introduce a new one: i.e. he Latinizes σαφήνεια as oratio clara ( 5 and 8 ), although the Auctor Ad Herennium (1.24) and Quintilian (1.5.1) speak plainly explained oratio (cf. Cic., from orat. 1.144: loqamur flat and diluted, and Part. 19: dilucide tips) and Cicero in The Inventione (1.28-29) begins. The same “idea” of style was also translated as claritas in Rhetoricorum libri V,13 which, eighty years later, seems to have inspired Giovanni Maria Cattaneo, who in his Latin translation of

10

Cf. Cic., inv. 1.99 Ver: under this type of speech, sweetness and acument seem to be contained (Monfasani 1984: 335 (27)) from Hermogenes, De ideis B.330-345 Rabe. 12 O congenioum da linguagem, na minha opinion, nada mais é, ou o uso correto de todos os tipos intencioais e antitéticos de linguagem, e aquilo que faz dos outros um corpo de linguagem desapareseu. Tradução de Wooten (1987:101). 13 Cf. Trapezuntius, Rhetoricorum p. 135v: Clarity is what makes speech pure and clear.

11

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The Progymnasmata of Aphthonios, published in Rome in 1517, translated σαφήνεια as clarites.14 Finding the correct Latin equivalent for the Greek term ἰδέα seems to have been the greatest challenge to the hermogenetic treatise for the young George of Trebizond. ἰδέα appears previously as a literary form in Rhetorica ad Alexandrum (1425a9) and the Discourses of Isocrates (2:48). The Cretan humanist escolheu or term shape, whose basic meaning - shape, a kind, species - was the same as or gr. ἰδέα, but George gave it a new meaning and, therefore, also uses the original term in the letter to Vittorino da Feltre: “Prime igitur forme ἰδέα, ut ipse [i.e. Hermogenes] Language: form is gender orationis, sententia, method, verbs, composition, rebus subiectis, & personis idoneum (Trapezuntius, Rhetoricorum, p.135v). In his opus magnum rhetoric, Georg von Trebizond modified some of the names of the stylistic forms in connection with his youthful letter De generibus dicendi: Again, the humanist translates ἦθος with affection and ἀλήθεια with the noun veritas. Hardly gravitas as a Latinization of δεινότης remained unaltered (ibid.). As for new terms, Magnitude may appear in Rhetoricorum libri V sob under the influence of Cicero's Orator, where we can read eloquentiae magnitude (139)16 and comes as a characteristic of exornatio associated with power (gravitas) and taste (acrimony) is found in it Rhetorica ad Herennium,17 embora ali the term fosse applied barely to the figure of repetition. The next term, speed, seems to have been removed from the categories of virtues of the body18 (virtutes corporis) and transferred to the category of style. That's what you can

14

See Awianowicz 2008: 123. See Trapezuntius, Rhetoricorum, p.70v: genus is that which contains species, that's too much to prove a species, more to disprove. [...] It is a species subject to a genus which, against most proofs of the genus, is too strong to disprove. [...] Now a genus is necessarily removed when all its forms are negated by careful enumeration. 16 Also quoted by Quintilian, 9/1/45. 17 See Rect. Is it over there. 4.19: This ornament has a lot of beauty, but also a lot of seriousness and power. 18 Then Ret. Is it over there. 3.10; 2.14 and 4.60; and Quintilian 2.16.13; 2.20.9 and (for discussion) 9.4.83. fifteen

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be influenced by Quintilian, who wrote about the Sallusti immortalis velocitas (10.1.102). An interesting innovation was the replacement of the term oratio morata by affectionateness - the term Cicero uses in Deinventione to define one of the circumstances associated with a man, discussed as part of Confirmatio (1.34 and 36), but in Rhetoricorum libri V is no longer " an instantaneous change of soul or body”19, but “a speech so composed that it seems to show the character and customs fertilized in the soul”20. The humanist, however, is aware of the non-traditional use of the term and therefore also refers in his definition to the term used earlier: Hanc moratam etiam orationem appellare licet21. By changing his own Latin terms within a few years, George of Trebizond showed creativity and flexibility in his attempt to renew classical Latin rhetoric. This cannot be seen only in his translation of "ideal forms" of style. Lucia Calboli Montefusco, who examined the duct theory in George's Rhetoricorum libri V, wrote: "This author is the best witness to the parallels which modern scholars have drawn between the duct theory treated by Fortunatianus and Martianus Capella, the figuratae controversiae, recognized by Quintilian and the ἐσχηματισμένα of the Greek authors. George so skillfully combined the teachings of these various authors that he managed to keep the concept of duct neutral, that is, not simply identifying it with images. [...] What really makes teaching What is interesting about George is that he combines passages from Fortunatianus, Quintilian, Ps. Hermogenes and even authors A and B of Περὶ ἐσχηματισμένων so remarkably that we have to attribute to him an excellent experience. very close to his source, but at other times he is very creative, because […] Jorge jumps continuously and masterfully from Quintilian to Ps. Hermógenes who tells us we marvel” (Caboli Montefusco 2003: 123–125).

The situation is somewhat different with the theory of stylistic forms: the main source for the letter to Vittorino da Feltre and for the Rhetoricorum libri V undoubtedly remains Hermogenes; for his two texts only summarize the Treatise of De Ideis, although in the letter to Hieronymus Bragadinus De Suavitate Dicendi of December 6, 1426, George develops the theory of γλυκύτης as one of the elements of ἦθος in De Ideis (330–339), where refers mainly to Cicero, as well as to the author of Theo19

See Cic., inv. 1.36: Affection is a change of mind or body from time to time for whatever reason. Trapezuntius, Rhetoricorum, p. 135v: It is the affection with which speech is composed so as to show the quality of the soul and reveal the modes inherent in it. 21 Trapezuntius, Rhetoricorum, p.135r 20

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religious treatises (already in the first part of the letter he cites De oratore as one of his main sources, alongside his own letter to Vittorino da Feltre22), and the orator, whose style is so excellent "that it is difficult to say this or that place in his writings are quite filled with gentleness, dignity, or strength.”23 We must not forget that for George suavitas means courtesy or kindness and not sweetness, so he understands the noun very similarly to Cicero.24 The above approach to George's Latin terminology of Trebizond shows the essential stylistic features of his rhetorical treatises: 1) As a native speaker of Greek who studied Latin with the famous teacher Vittorino da Feltre, he dares to use his linguistic skills to promote the hitherto unknown hermogenetic theory of rhetoric in the West; 2) as a humanist fascinated by Cicero, he not only introduces many examples from Cicero's speeches to illustrate his own theory, but he also tries to transfer the technical vocabulary of Cicero and Quintilian to Hermogenes and his own rhetorical definitions and subdivisions; but at the same time 3) he does not hesitate to introduce Latin words with a new technical meaning (cf. Classen 1993: 79). The originality of George's terminology, not yet constrained by the strict rules of late fifteenth-century Ciceronianism, no doubt contributed to the wide reception of his rhetorical treatises in the sixteenth or even seventeenth centuries. From his editio princeps in 1470, his Rhetoricorum libri V alone went through at least 18 editions in Venice, Milan, Basel, Paris and Lyon in 1547, and his commentary on Cicero's Pro Ligario was published three times from 1477 to 1535 (see Green , Murphy 2006: 214-216). A considerable number of George's books also existed in the libraries of the humanistic schools of Central and Northern Europe, e.g. a 1519 Florentine edition with commentaries on Cicero's speeches by Asconius Pedianus and George of Trebizond can be found among the approximately 1300 books that were donated to the city of Danzig by Giovanni Bernardino Bonifacio in 1591.25 The reception of George's rhetoric can be seen 22

Behold, how many are these speeches in number? For all confess that there are many things, if this Ciceronian, Lucius Crassus, and Mark Antony, or even the Sun itself, show it more clearly; It is clearly explained in another letter that we sent to our master and father Victorinus de Feltre, from whom we received this jewel. (Monfasani 1984:226(2)). Cf. Cic., he prays in 3:25-36, 2:212-216, 338-340. 23 You see: the Ciceronian style of speaking is so perfectly composed of everything that I would not say lightly that this or that place is filled with more sweetness or dignity or seriousness than the rest (Monfasani 1984: p. 229 (16)). 24 Cf. eg Cic., he prays in 2:16; 2,126; 3.28; 3.82; 3,225 and 227. 25 Cf. G. Asconii Pediani in Cicero's orationes commentarii and Georgius Trapezuntius on the office of the Ciceronian speech To Q. Ligario nuper the greatest care excusi, Florence, of the heirs of Philip II Cd 1563. 8º Cf. also Valério 2009, Welti 1985.

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especially in commentaries on Hermogenes and other texts in the Corpus Hermogenianum. The first editor and author of the first commentary on Rudolph Agricola's Latin translation of the Progymnasmata of Aphthonios, the Dutch humanist Alardus Aemstelredamus (1490/91–1544), quoted George of Trebizond in the chapters on Fable, Commonplace, Encomium, Comparative, Ettopoea and Introduction of a law (Awianowicz 2008: 213, 216–218, 221, 222 and 225–226). Later, although to a lesser extent, there are references to Rhetoricorum libri V in Reinhard Lorich's Scholia on the Progymnasmata of Aphthonios in the combined translation of Cattaneo and Agricola (Awianowicz 2008: 245 and 260). Most importantly, George's rhetoric provided an important context for Renaissance commentators on the works of Hermogenes, particularly the De ideis. Rhetoricorum libri V influenced the famous pedagogue Johann Sturm (1507–1589), who "ended up translating almost all of Hermogenes" and whose "numerous rhetorical writings generally show the influence of, or refer to, Hermogenes" (Monfasani 1976:326, n. 41). Despite the great popularity of Sturm's works, in which many Greek terms were translated differently,26 some seventeenth-century commentators still turned directly to George's rhetorical opus magnum. A good example of this is Andrzej Śledziński (died 1645?), who cites Trebizond several times in his Scholie on De ideis (cf. Conley 1994: 289–290). Although the rhetorical works of George of Trebizond were not as widely read and commented on as his Isagoge dialectica, as the author who introduced Hermogenes' rhetorical theory to the Latin West, he continued to be the main source of translation of technical Greek terms for many rhetoricians. long after his death.

Bibliography I. Alte Bücher Hermogenes, De dicendi generibus (1571) = Hermogenes von Tarsus, ein scharfer Rhetor, De dicendi generibus siue formes orationum livro II. Ausgestattet mit Latin und erklärt und illustriert zu den Scholias von Ioan(ne) Sturmius. [Straßburg]: Josias Rihelius. Trapezuntius, Rhetoricorum libri V (1522) = George of Trapezuntius Rhetoricorvm book in what new prestitvm in the qibus, the next face will den Schwellenbrief anzeigen. Basel: Kuriosität.

26

For example, Sturm translates δεινότης com o termo descritivo apta figura dicendi no contexto da teoria aptum/decorum, while gravitas é usado por ele como o equivalent Latino para βαριτης - ver Hermogenes, De dicendi generibus, pp.

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II. Modern Works Awianowicz, BartoczB. (2008). Progymnasmata in theory and practice of the humanistic school from the late 15th to the mid-18th centuries. The history of the modern reception of Aphtonios from Rudolf Agricola to Johann Christoph Gottsched. Toruń: Scientific Publishing House of Nicolaus Copernicus University. Calboli Montefusco, Lucia (2003). "Distance and Color: The Right Way to Compose an Appropriate Speech." – Rhetoric 21.2, 113–131. Classen, Carl Joachim (1993). "The Rhetorical Works of George of Trebizond and His Debt to Cicero." - Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute 56, 75-84 Conley, Thomas (1994). "Some Renaissance Polish Commentaries on Aristotle's Rhetoric and Hermogenes" on the Ideas." - Rhetorica 12.3, 265–292. Green, Lawrence D.; Murphy, James J. (2006). Short Title Catalog of Renaissance Rhetoric 1460– 1700. Aldershot, Burlington: Ashgate. Mack, Peter (2011). A History of the Rhetoric Revival 1380-1620. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Monfasani, John (1976). George of Trebizond. A Biography and Study of His Rhetoric and (Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition; 1.) Leiden: Brill. Monfasani, John (ed.) (1984). Collectanea Trapezuntiana. Texts, Documents, and Bibliographies of Georg von Trapezunt. (Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies; 25 .) Binghamton, New York: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies; Renaissance Society of America. Patillon, Michel (trans.) (1997). hermogen. The art of rhetoric. Traduction française intégrale, introduction and notes by M. Patillon. Lausanne ; Paris: L'Âge d'homme. Podbielski, Henryk (tra duc) (2012). Hermogenes, The Art of Rhetoric. Elaboration, translation and comments by H. Podbielski. Lublin: Scientific Society of John Paul II Catholic University Lublin. Rabe, Hugo (ed.) (1969). Hermogenes, opera. Edith Hugo Rabe. Stuttgart: Teubner. Valerio, Sebastiano (2009). "The humanist library of Giovanni Bernardino Bonifacio." - Corfiati, Claudia; de Nichilo, Mauro (ed.), Biblioteche nel Regno fra Tre e Cinquecento. Atti del Convegno di Studi. Bari, 6th-7th February 2008. Lecce: Penda, 303-320. Ward, John (1995). "Guarino da Verona's Lectures on the Rhetorica ad Herennium: A Preliminary Discussion." - Horner, Winifred Bryan; Leff, Michael (ed.), Rhetoric and Pedagogy. Its history, philosophy and practice. Essays in honor of James J. Murphy. Mahwah, New Jersey: Alder Tree, 97-127. Welti, Manfred Edwin (1985). The Library of Giovanni Bernardino Bonifacio, Marchese d'Oria, 1517-1597. Bern etc.: Lang. Wooten, Cecil W. (trans.) (1987). Hermógenes, On Styles. Translated by CecilW. To want. Chapel Hill; London: University of North Carolina Press.

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Abstract George of Trebizond, born in Crete, went to Italy at the age of twenty, where he taught for the rest of his life, translating from Greek into Latin and writing his own treatises and polemics. Although most of his works represent Latin humanism, they can be seen as an important counterpart to humanistic Greek in the 15 Church Fathers, but also as an important teacher of Greek grammar and rhetoric. The purpose of the article is to examine the humanist's use of Hermogenes' terms in connection with stylistic ideas and their translations in Jorge's letter to Vittorino da Feltre, De generibus dicendi and his main rhetorical work, Rhetoricorum libri quinque, and to present some aspects of the Corpus Hermogenianum inspired the reception of Trapezuntius' Greco-Latin rhetorical vocabulary among northern humanists in the 16th century.

III Humanistic Greek in and for Poetry

THE PRELIMINARY GREEK LETTERS OF THE FRENCH HELLENIST JEAN CHEADAME IN HIS EDITION OF ARISTOPHANES (PARIS, 1528)* Jean-Marie Flamand

In the history of European culture, one of the key points in the distinction between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance has to do with the central issue of the conference that brought us together in Tartu: the rediscovery of Greek by humanist Europe in the 16th century. fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Undoubtedly, historians today - and have for a long time - tend to question this distinction: there is certainly no clear break between these two periods, and we weren't going to sleep one night in the Middle Ages to wake up the next morning in the Renaissance. On the contrary, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Europe of the humanists, Europe as a whole, gradually rediscovered a wealth that the Latin West had forgotten or ignored: the treasure of Greek language and culture. This "rediscovery" happened at different times and in very different ways, depending on different parts of Europe. It consisted of a slow and at times difficult work of "appropriation" or cultural assimilation: everywhere we saw scholars from different European countries, moved by the fascination for the Greek language, by the enthusiasm for this culture, writing texts - often letters or poems - in Greek, although it was not his mother tongue. They didn't necessarily see Greece with their own eyes, they certainly didn't leave their country to settle there, but they wrote in Greek to identify with Greek culture, which at that time was already called Plato ἑλληνίζειν1. What did you write and why? It is in these various forms * The Greek text of the nine dedicatory letters discussed in this article has been published with a French translation and a brief note in our work: Jean-François Maillard & Jean-Marie Flamand, The France der Humanisten. Helenistes II (Maillard, Flamand 2010: 627–642). 1 Plato, Meno, 82b; see also Aristotle, Rhet. 3, 5, 1; Thucydides 2:68.

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of expression, illustrations of a true love for Greek that will interest us. For my part, therefore, I propose that you take a trip to France, more precisely to Paris, around the year 1528. We will see that at that time the demand for Greek was strong due to very dynamic networks, but at the same time the culture Greek culture also aroused distrust, fear and rejection2. On November 19, 1528, the Parisian printer Gilles de Gourmont began publishing the first French edition of the Greek text of Aristophanes' Nine Comedies. This editorial undertaking will last until March 303 of the following year, 1529 (but we are still in 1528 in the old fashioned way4), as it is in fact the publication - in an uninterrupted series - of nine individual little books at a time dedicated to a comedy , each with its frontispiece and colophon (except one5), presumably to allow for separate sale and educational use. Each of the pieces has its own letter of dedication, written in Greek by the intellectual editor Jean Cheradame (see illustration p. 233). The name Jean Cheradame (Johannes Chaeradamus Sagiensis: originally from the Diocese of Sées in Normandy) is not well known among French Hellenists today. This figure, whose exact dates are unknown (ca. 1495? – after 1543), belongs to the generation that succeeded Guillaume Budé, the first great name of Hellenism in France. Cheradame certainly did not have the intellectual greatness of a Budé, nor the erudite vigor that someone as important as the printer Henri II Estienne would have after him. He is, however, a good Hellenist: we can see his competence if we examine his letters of dedication, written in a Greek whose syntax is intentionally quite complicated. He was also a Hebrew. This double competence in Greek and Hebrew led him, at the height of his career, in 1542, to become the royal reader of the "Sacred Scriptures" or "Holy Eloquence"6.

2

For the history of the rediscovery of Greek in France, see the rich work of Pascal Boulhol (2014: 149-219). 3 See the colophon at the end of the Ἐκκλησιάζουσαι (Aristophanes 1528: GgGiijv): μηνὸς ἐλαφηβολιῶνος λ·. This date corresponds to 30 March (and not 13 March, as we erroneously claim in Maillard, Flamand 2010:628). 4 In the year 1529, or Easter Sunday caiu em 12th April. Thus, according to the old style, which began the year on Easter day, we are still in 1528 on the date of March 5 No end of two steps (Aristophanes 1528: KKiiijv): without colophon. 6 See Jean Cheradame's dedication to Francis I in his Lexicon Graecum (Paris, Guillaume Roland and Jérôme de Gourmont, 1543): “August and Christian Galliarum Regi Francisco Valesio, Joan. Chaeradamus, eloquiorum sacrorum Regius Professor S.D." (Maillard, Flemish 2010:667 and n. 1146).

The Preliminary Greek Letters of Jean Cheradame

DRAWING. Title page of Aristophanes edition, Paris, Gilles de Gourmont, 1528. (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, Res/4 A.gr.a 125, http://www.mdz-nbn-reresolution.de/urn/resolver. pl?urn=urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb10198009-0).

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Let's go back to your edition of Aristophanes. The general title page shows that it is actually a world edition of nine comedies and not a (pseudo) collection that was created later. Here are the titles: πλοῦτος, νεφέλαι, βάτραχοι, ἱππεῖς, ἀχαρνεῖς, σφῆκες, ὄρνιθες, εἰρήνη, the Greek text of nine years was published by thirty years, εἰρήνη, the Greek text ( the Greek text of these ninths with the comedies were published before ( by the greatest philologists of the Renaissance7. Thus, the Frenchman Jean Cheradame did not do an original philological work in 1528, he simply followed Musurus and reproduced his text. But his merit consists in having given to make known to the public a work that was still little known in France: a useful and courageous act for the advancement of Greek studies in France. At that time, the large editions of Aldine were hardly accessible in Paris: poorly distributed, very expensive, still rare. Twenty years before, in 1508, they did not even exist, as is evident in a letter addressed to Alde Manucius by one of his former collaborators, the young Jérôme Aléandre8, who later became a cardinal. from Venice to Paris to teach Greek, he complained to Alde Manuce, upon his arrival, of the insufficiency of books: few editions of Greek texts, grammars, dictionaries for the needs of his classes...9 The first Parisian printer, Quem who ventured into Greek typography10 was, among them all, Gilles de Gourmont, who on August 12, 1507 published a collection of Greek moral doctrines entitled Liber gnomagyricus11. If we compare the typography of this first Greek book printed in France with that of Aristophanes de Cheradame (1528), it will soon be recognized that considerable technical advances were made. The Greek foundries active in Paris produced much more elaborate typefaces, and Paris repeatedly caught up with the typographical delays that dissuaded Erasmus in 1515 in favor of Basel's better-equipped printer, Froben12: the spirits and accents absent in 1507 are now very much present; first added more or 7

Along with Aristophanes' Greek text, Musurus published the Scholia: for this edition and based on his manuscript, see Luigi Ferreri's Comprehensive Review (Ferreri 2014: 93–111). 8 For the editorial work of Jérôme Aléandre (1480–1542) and his teaching in France (in Paris and Orléans), see Maillard, Flamand 2010:275–367. 9 Cf. Aléandre's very lively letter to Alde Manuce of 23 July 1508, edited by Pierre de Nolhac (1961:213-215). 10 See Henri Omont (1891:1–72). 11 The intellectual editor of this gnomish collection, François Tissard, born in Amboise (ca. 1469 – after 1509), already took over – in part – an Aldine edition. For François Tissard's Liber gnomagyricus, see Omont 1891: 5–6, and Maillard, Flamand 2010: 232–240. 12 At the end of 1513, Erasmus, seduced by the quality of his Greek engravings, turned to the Basel printer, Johann Froben, when he “magnificently discovered

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less adept at letters, they became interdependent with letters; Ligatures and many abbreviations were introduced. Without reaching the elegance of Aldus's characters, the characters cast for Gilles de Gourmont in the 1520s enabled the satisfactory printing of many Greek texts13. Gilles de Gourmont is also the official printer for Jean Cheradame, who published editions of Démosthène and Libanius in 1521 (the edition was resumed in 1528); a Lexicon graecum of 1523; and two editions of Plato: the Cratylus in May 1527 and the Apology of Socrates in 1529.14 These remarkable typographical advances evidently reflect the considerable advances made in the knowledge and teaching of Greek in France during the first quarter of the sixteenth century. After Jérôme Aléandre's stay in Paris and his brilliant teaching (1508-1513), the Hellenists really flourished; before him, Paris had not had a real Greek teacher, so to speak. But in the 1520s there were good Hellenists who taught privately or at various Parisian universities: like Jacques Tusan, dit Toussain16. Everywhere, like Italy, which from very early on was open to the rediscovery of Greek culture17, Europe is seized by an irrepressible desire to learn Greek, to discover Greek texts and, in turn, to produce them. However, these innovations are worrying: one should not think that enthusiasm for Greek is unanimous. In Paris, in particular, he encountered resistance from a solid “conservative party”18 whose bulwarks were the theological faculty, that is, the Sorbonne (which expressed itself through the powerful voice of its trustee Noël Béda19) and its juridical “arm”, the parliament. Guillaume Budé and his entourage are continually surprised by Froben's folio copying Aldine's version of the Adages: see Alexandre Vanautgaerden (2012:277). 13 See Vervliet 2008: 365–382. 14 See Maillard, Flamengo 2010: 575–657. 15 François Tissard could be an exception, but he mysteriously disappeared from Parisian circles as soon as Aléandre appeared. However, for the state of Greek teaching in Paris in the fifteenth century, see Flamand 2016. 16 For Jacques Toussain, elected one of the first two royal lectors of Greek in 1530, see Irigoin 2006 and Maillard Flämisch 2010: 369–569. 17 Cf., alongside Manuel Chrysoloras, the studies on the circle by Coluccio Salutati, Leonzio Pilato and Théodore Gaza, in Maisano, Rollo 2002. 18 In this specific context, this expression (apparently anachronistic) was deliberately used by James K. ( 1992). We owe it to the remarkable work of J. Farge to know these traditional Parisian currents much better today, strongly hostile to humanism. 19 On this character, see the note by James K. Farge (1980: 31–36) pointing to documentary sources of primary importance, and the shorter note by the same author in Bietenholz, Deutscher 1985: 116–118; see also Color 2008.

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Urge King Françoisier, protector of arts and letters, to create a college for the study of three languages ​​(Latin, Greek, Hebrew) along the lines of the Trilingual College of Louvain: long awaited, it was in 1530 that the Make the appointment of first "royal readers", initial nucleus - very shy and modest at the time - of what would become the College of France20. But royal support will not eliminate overnight the bitter resistance of the University of Paris, steeped in Latin scholasticism; The Greek will win his place only at the cost of hard fights. It is therefore no coincidence that this Parisian Aristophanes appeared at the end of the 1520s with his nine comedies and his nine letters of dedication, which were at the bottom of some rare libraries (namely the National Library of France, in Paris) for nearly 500 years. These long-forgotten and inaccessible texts, precursors to the institution of real readers, have much to teach us if we can bring them back to life. Let's start by examining who Cheradame's devotees are. The Ploutos (Πλοῦτος) is dedicated to an Englishman, John Clerk (Clerke, Clericus)22. This first letter is a hymn to poverty, an encouragement to despise false wealth. John Clerk, protégé of Cardinal Wolsey, whom he succeeded as Bishop of Bath and Wells in 1523, became ambassador to the English King Henry VIII. φιλανθρωπότατος (a term equivalent to the Latin humanissimo). Epistle 2 is a plea for true philosophy against unculturedness. Thomas, aged about twenty, is the biological son of Cardinal Wolsey, chancellor to the King of England, who lived in a notorious concubinage with one of the most beautiful women in England. Young Thomas came to Paris in 1528 to learn Greek, accompanied by his tutor, the theologian Thomas Lupset, a noted pedagogue whom Cheradame mentions with admiration. Under the direct protection of Francis I, the young Thomas Winter will remain in Paris until October 1529. Apparently he was following the teachings of Cheradame.

20

See Farge 1998 and 2006. Greek text and French translation: see Maillard, Flamand 2010: 627–642. 22 On this figure, see note by Elizabeth Critall, in Bietenholz, Deutscher ed. 1985: 313.21

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The Frogs (Βάτραχοι) are dedicated to Pierre Danès (1497–1577). This epistle is still an appeal against lack of culture in favor of true education. For Danès, who is probably the same age as Cheradame, is a teacher and Hellenist of great talent: he himself was a pupil of Janus Lascaris and taught Greek at the College of Lisieux in Paris from 1519. He too is a Hebrew. In 1530 he became one of the first two “royal readers” of Greek appointed by Francis I and his teachings were followed by great figures such as Jacques Amyot, Jean Calvin, Jean Dorat, Guillaume Postel… Les Cavaliers (Ἱππεῖς) are dedicated to Jean Viole , a character whom Cheradame refers to as εὐβουλότατος ('man of very good advice'). In fact, he was a jurist, counselor to the Parlement of Paris from 1516 to 1532, arguably one of the few parliamentarians who were well-meaning towards the humanists. The letter addressed to him by Cheradame has a decidedly religious tone, it is almost a sermon on Christian piety: from the first line, the consecrated person is described as "Knight of Christ". Probably because Cheradame fears a priori the wrath of Parliament, traditionally associated with the Conservative Party23. To neutralize any criticism, our Hellenist no doubt goes so far as to belittle his own gift expressis verbis: to offer the Knight of Aristophanes is, he says, to confine himself to the wisdom of the Greeks, which is very earthly, while Christian wisdom is to recognize it. himself as "son of divine light". The Acarnians (Ἀχαρνεῖς) are dedicated to John of Tartas: a "very valuable university leader" (χρησιμωτάτῳ γυμναστῇ); Epistle 5 is a tribute to his qualities as a steward and humanist educator. Born in the province of Guyenne, in southwestern France, Jean de Tartas is a passionate pedagogue with a passion for teaching. Since 1525, he has directed the College of Lisieux, one of the most active Parisian colleges for teaching Greek. He will then direct the College de Guyenne in Bordeaux together with Gouvea, thus contributing to the dissemination of the new humanistic pedagogy outside Paris. Cheradame praises his talent as an organizer, his talent for recruiting good students and good professors of Hebrew and Greek for his faculty: in this praise he no doubt sees himself as one of the excellent professors recruited.

23

Farge (1992: 32): "We can say without hesitation that since the common struggle against the Concordat of Bologna in 1516, the faculty of theology has become the center of conservatism in France and the Parlement of Paris its arms... voluntary decision of Parliament conducive to new intellectual or religious ideas”.

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The Wasps (Σφῆκες) are dedicated to a personality called Anthonius Lapitheus, who is described as ἐλλογιμώτατος24 ('very famous'). Despite this quality, unfortunately it is the only one that I have not yet been able to identify. Cheradame will also dedicate his 1529 edition of the Apology of Socrates to him. Epistle 6 has the tone of a consolatio. Your recipient studies Hebrew and Greek: he is a friend of Greek philosophy and culture. Cheradame tells him of his admiration for his piety and for his patience in enduring with courage "the wheel of tribulations of human life" (κύκλον ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων): he alludes in particular to the premature death of his wife, whose nobility and generosity Cheradame praises. The birds (Ὄρνιθες) are dedicated to Nicolas Bérauld (1475–1545), also known as ἐλλογιμώτατος ('very famous'). The trained lawyer who became a professor-editor is, in fact, a well-known personality who is passionate about Greco-Latin culture. Epistle 7 commends their culture and educational work. Coming from Orléans to Paris, Bérauld taught and edited many humanistic texts. He owes his influence to his culture as much as to his elegance and oratorical talent. With his vision and his gifts as a mediator, he knew how to act as a mediator between Erasmus and the University of Paris: he is named with equal respect by Erasmus and the Parisian theologian Noël Béda, sworn enemy of the humanists25! Cheradame praises her virtue so much that he closes himself off, "afraid of being accused of flattering instead of telling the truth"26. La Paix (Εἰρήνη) is dedicated to physician Jean du Ruel (1474–1537): famous person, physician to Françoisier. Cheradame qualifies it as σοφώτατος τῶν ἰατρῶν. Epistle 8 describes the benefits this physician brings to the health of soul and body. As a learned professor at the medical school in Paris, he was a friend of Guillaume Budé, who held him in high esteem. An excellent Hellenist, he mainly edited and translated texts on veterinary medicine and translated them into Latin-Greek; he was also a botanist. Cheradame praises his ability not only to give medicine to the body, but also says that he is able, through the power of his word, to "heal people with limited understanding" (θεραπεύειν... ἀφυέσι τὴν διανοίαν [!] 27).

24

In the 1528 edition: ΕΥΛΟΓΙΜΟΤΑΤΟΣ (see also the critical apparatus in Maillard, Flemish 2010: 637), but ibid. Episode 3, episode. 7: ΕΛΓΟΓΙΜΩΤΑΤΟΣ. 25 View Of Gardening 1995: 50–53. 26 Note that hardly Les Oiseaux ends without colophon (see note 5 above). 27 Per διάνοιαν.

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The Meeting of Women (Ἐκκλησιάζουσαι) is dedicated to Guillaume Quinon, who is described as ὁμιλητικότατος ('very affable: sociable, very pleasant conversationalist'). This man, a passionate defender of Greek studies28, was in contact with Erasmus29 and had already received from Cheradame in 1527 the dedication of an Alphabetum Graecum edited by Gilles de Gourmont. He was not a professor, but from 1525 to 1542 he was Commander of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem. Epistle 9 commends those who come to the aid of diligent people, and denounces meanness. Interestingly, the text of the letter that Cheradame wrote to him is entirely identical to what he had already written in his 1528 edition of Lucien (Dialogues of the Gods) to Raulin Séguier, Hellenistic jurist from Narbonne30 the typographic structure of the book? Should we see a sign of Cheradame fatigue in this 'recovery'? Or was Cheradame pressed for time, under the pressure of circumstances we don't know? All these consecrated persons, prelates, professors, doctors, patrons or simply students, are declared supporters and powerful actors of the new culture: they are ready to defend it against what today we would like to call obscurantism.

A very strong polemical tone: praise and criticism, two sides of the same coin The interest of these texts is not purely rhetorical. What draws attention in reading all these letters is the energetic and combative tone in the service of a cause. It is true that Cheradame always begins by praising his devotees, a compliment so emphatic that, as we have seen, he is even afraid of being accused of flattery31: such is the law of eucomiastical species32. But what he repeatedly praises in his devotees is, above all, the love of study: "It is beautiful and honorable to always want to learn"33. He talks about the taste for

28

He was a friend of Philippe Montanus, his own professor of Greek at the College of Lisieux in 1528. See small note dedicated to him by P. G. Bietenholz in Bietenholz, Deutscher 1987: 126. 30 Lucien 1528. The text is published in Maillard, Flamand : 626–627. 31 See end of episode 7, in Nicolas Bérauld, p. um ano 32 See Pernot 1993. 33 The snow-white snow-white snowflakes (beginning of Ep. 9, for Guillaume Quinon, p. aaj erap. aa, ep.

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Greek studies, of course, but also for Hebrew. It is also good for helping those who want to study34. This love of learning presupposes intellectual qualities, but even more moral qualities, and this link between intellectual zeal and moral worth has a name: it is virtue for each of its devotees. The word ἀρετή appears frequently in his pen35: practical virtues, such as generosity (that of the doctor who renounces his salary: vol. 8, to Jean du Ruel, p. Aaa ijr); the moderate handling of wealth (eps. 1, to John Clerk, p. aiijr), disinterest (to Pierre Danès, who teaches without remuneration36); organizational skills (J. de Tartas); Virtues of judgment, which consist of demonstrating prudence and judgment37. But the supreme virtue, which is often repeated and which Cheradame praises above all else, is the courage to speak, which he calls "the power of the word" (λόγῳ δυνατώτερον, end of episode 1, to John Clerk, p. a iijr) or "boldness of speech" (λόγῳ τολμωτάτῳ, Ep.9, p. AaA ijr). He assures young Thomas Winter (episode 2, p. aa ijr): "It is the boldness of your word that enables you to attack these crooks." We must not, therefore, see the "virtue" that Cheradame extols as a hollow and somewhat insipid word: it is a real force. Demonstrating virtue means being a soldier capable of facing opponents, defending "the good cause". Praise for his honoree is inextricably linked with criticism of opponents he vehemently attacks without ever naming them, which would violate the laws of the letter genre. But it is not difficult to recognize them: they are the defenders of the lack of culture (ἀμουσία), a veritable "disease"38 which he calls the "pigs of Boeotia"39. Cheradame uses different terms to describe them: they are "sophists", like those whom Aristophanes mocks in the clouds, and then takes sides with "true philosophy"40. Those ones

34

"It is necessary ... with the fortune we have to come to the aid of our hardworking friends when they are in trouble": Episode 9, to G. Quinon [= to Raulin Séguier: loc.ult.cit. ]). 35 "Through your virtue (pela virtude) you left an immortal memory" (Ep. 3, to Pierre Danès, sub fine, p. aaa ijr); πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐπιδοῦναι (Ep.6, line 5/3, p. AAA ijr , to Ant. Lapitheus); sobre a virtude de tal homem [!] (end of Ep. 7, at N. Bérauld, S. Aa ijr); "the sting ... of virtue" (o centro ... da virtude) Ep. 9, line 10/7, to Guillaume Quinon, p. AaA ijr [= to Raulin Séguier]). 36 folhas. 3, "I teach you without money or another profit": You Teach ὐ ὐ Propose ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ 632 - 633 see pp. aaa ijr and maillard. 37 folhas. 3, to Pierre Danès, p. aaaa ijr. 38 folhas. 2, by Thomas Winter, p. aa ijr. 39 folha. 1, by John Clerk, p. to iijr. Common insult among humanists to designate their opponents: so Nightgall in his Grunnius (1522). 40 In the preface to his Plutarco (Paris, Gilles de Gourmont, 30 de abril de 1509), Aléandre was already addressing “ingenijens who intend to study true philosophy in Parisian universities” (verae philosophiae in parisino Gymnasio candidatis): see the Latin one Texto – with summary

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The sophists are often referred to as "barbarians" (βαρϐάρους σοφιστάς, Ep.2, p. aa ijr); he also calls them "flatterers", a word borrowed from Aristophanes which means "slanderers", that is, the traditionalists who criticize in a mean spirit. He denounces his complacency in error, his predilection for lying, "his bad intentions"41. With these terms, Cheradame denounces the opponents of the new studies, these "limited minds" hostile to Greek and Hebrew studies. To defend the study of the Greek language and texts, he himself demonstrated the virtue he most admired, "boldness in speech".

Cheradame's intentions: the struggle for the study of Greek and Hebrew Opponents of the study of Greek see in this language a bearer of pagan culture. We must, therefore, first make them understand that learning Greek does not mean showing complacency towards pagans: on the contrary, this study gives access to reading the Bible, especially the New Testament. . Parisian Hellenists tried to absolve Greek studies of the charge of complicity with paganism, following the founding doctrine of Aléandre (1508-1513). If this argument is not new, it must be repeated several times in 1528: it was already that of the humanist from Strasbourg Ottmar Nachtgall42 in 1515 when, following the line of Erasmus, he recommended reading Lucian in Greek and showed that there was nothing immoral about it for a Christian43. Reading pagan Greek texts can and should lead to reading the New Testament. Aristophanes (and other Greek authors) must therefore serve as a first step, a springboard to access a reading whose value is undeniable.

in French – in Maillard, Flamand 2010: p. 291 and #476. See also Maillard 2010: 591–603. 41 Episode 8, for Jean du Ruel, p. Aaa ijr. 42 The humanist Ottmar Nachtgall, known as Luscinius (1480-1537), proudly describes himself as a student of Aleander. ("ductu clarissimi viri Aleandri Mottensis, praeceptori meo": Lucien 1515, see Maillard, Flamand 2010: 350. mistakes, pederasty of Zeus with Ganymede...) consisted only of amusing legends, in which the pagans themselves no longer believed. , the Hebrews' own holy books contained much worse: see Ottmar Nachtgall's letter of dedication to his printer Johann Schott, in Lucien 1515, see Maillard, Flamand 2010: 348–351.

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far superior to that of Scripture. The study of the divine epistles does not exclude that of the profane epistles (Ep. 7, to Nicolas Bérault, p. Aa ijr), on the contrary, it must be founded. The study of Greek, along with that of Hebrew, is far from being incompatible with Christian truth, but it must be understood as its best ally: it leads to the Word of God, as long as one is aware of the scale of values. Cheradame, therefore, clearly states that the Greeks were "children of darkness", while Christians are "children of divine light". He goes so far as to say that the "wisdom" of the Greeks is only partial wisdom, not even worthy of the name of wisdom. Likewise, studying Hebrew alongside Greek provides direct access to the Bible and allows for authentic reading. However, the “Reuchlin Affair” of 1510-1514 in Cologne45 showed how difficult it was to claim that the study of Hebrew did not lead to complacency, to any compromise with these Jews who remained stubbornly blind. For fifteen years, if we take the year 1513 as a reference, when Alexander left Paris, the Hellenists were gaining ground in France with zeal and prudence. But in 1528 the stakes evolved, religious controversies increased and Cheradame is forced to exercise even more caution, mainly to carry out the great budean draft of the royal readers. It is certain that the publication of Erasmus's Novum Instrumentum in 1516, dedicated to Pope Leonx, was an enormous success throughout Europe. But Luther entered into open conflict with Rome in 1517. Although he was excommunicated on January 3, 1521, his ideas began to be introduced in France from the beginning of the 1520s: several of his books, translated into French46, provoked immediately violent reactions of rejection by traditional theologians. Erasmus himself showed distance 44 quickly

ep. 4, for Jean Viole "...we know nothing divine by our own knowledge, and the Greeks, because of their lack of wisdom, cannot make us wise and speak nonsense..." (S. Aijr, this translation of which corrects and replaces Maillard's passage, Flamand 2010: 634). 45 Cf. Rummel 2002. 46 And even before 1520: “Luther's books are reported in Paris as early as February 1519” (Jouanna 2006: 295). L'Oraison de Iesuchrist qui est le Pater Noster et le Credo... was published by Simon de Colines in 1525 (Moreau 1985:264, n.877): the work was reprinted in 1528, with changes that diluted the message, under the title Livre de vraye et parfaicte oral (ibid. p. 425, no. 1545): "In this weakened form, it achieved enormous success and escaped censorship" (Jouanna 2006:295); see also Higman 1984:11-56. 47 Josse Clichtove's particular reaction (Antilutherus tres libros complectens: Paris, Simon de Colines, 13 October 1524: see Moreau 1985: 207, n. 635. See also for the year 1526 n. , Simon de

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in relation to Luther, publishing the De libero arbitrio in 1524. But the cause of Hellenism must now be linked with that of the Reformation, and the Hellenists are then threatened with the charge of heresy: graecizare = luteranizare. The argument that sought to defend the study of Greek (and Hebrew) is inverted, making it a means of access to the Scriptures: the "new scholars" are strong in their knowledge of Greek and Hebrew and dare to challenge themselves to approach the Scriptures to interpret it in a new way, an inadmissible claim for theologians, official guardians of tradition. With his edition of the New Testament, Erasmus overthrew the authority of the Latin Vulgate of St. Jerome. Luther went even further in his boldness: he asserted that the Bible is the ultimate criterion of truth, not church tradition; that every Christian should have access to it. Take it a step further and we will see these Hellenistic and Hebrew scholars begin to translate the Bible into the vernacular, to read it critically, to interpret it without submitting to the authority of the theologians.

The historical background: the case of Louis de Berquin Proponents of new studies have always found strong support in Françoisier (and his sister Marguerite de Navarre), but in their fight against Charles-Quint, the King of France encountered serious political and it was no longer the no able to support the humanists so firmly. From 1522 it was weakened by military defeats in Italy, and the "conservative party" presented this calamity as a divine punishment inflicted on France for allowing impiety to spread: first the ideas of Erasmus, then the more radical religious criticism of Luther . The defeat of Pavia (February 24, 1525), a military and financial catastrophe, had terrible consequences for the humanists in France: Françoisier, held captive and taken prisoner to Madrid, was only released after long negotiations that lasted more than a year48. During this period, the Parlement of Paris then becomes more powerful than ever and humanists, whether Latinists, Hellenists or Hebraists, are closely watched. His books are examined by commissions of inquiry to extract any false, impious or heretical suggestions. Books that the Sorbonne deems "contaminated" will be condemned, burned and their authors prosecuted. Thus explains Louis de Berquin, humanist friend of Nicolas Bérauld, translator of Erasmus into French and attracted by Luther's ideas, va Colines, March 7, 1526) and 959 (Propugnaculum Ecclesiae adversus Lutherans: Paris, Simon de Colines, 18 May 1526). ), ​​Moreau 1985: 285. 48 Cf. the historical study of Jean-Marie Le Gall (Le Gall 2015).

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arrested and subjected to three consecutive trials49. The king's direct intervention on his behalf saved him twice, in extremis (1523 and 1526). But as soon as he was released, Berquin resumed the fight, full of blind faith in the justice of his cause: he went so far as to state accusations of falsehood and impiety against Noël Béda. The Sorbonne and Parliament present the rebellion against the Church as a rebellion against the State, which causes concern and fear in the population. The popular agitation of Parisians was fueled by the mutilation of a statue of the Virgin and Child in the rue des Rosiers on the night of May 31 to June 1, 1528. Berquin, arrested for the third time in June 1528, is now in the center of Paris. a case that gives enormous publicity to the faculty of theology: the conservative agitation resounds, the atmosphere is exaggerated. Louis de Berquin was condemned on April 17, 1529 and burned at the stake. Our edition of Aristophanes must be placed in this extremely turbulent context. Finally, let us return to the title page of our 1528 edition with a less serious comment: Aristophanes is there referred to with the superlative εὐτραπελώτατος, Latin facetissimus. The adjective εὐτράπελος, difficult to translate into French, could be translated as "spiritual", "playing pleasantly": it expresses an essential component of sociability, of laughing intelligence. In the dedication letter that preceded his edition of the Birds (Episode No. 7, addressed to the learned Professor Nicolas Bérauld, S. Aa ijr), Cheradame praises Aristophanes for having used the virtue of εὐτραπελία to intimidate bad leaders from 'to blame Athens. A fine example to imitate: thus, by the same virtue, Nicolas Bérault himself mixes in his teaching excellent jokes which – better than positive arguments – attack the enemies of culture and gleefully ridicule these sophists, these ignorant talkers. buffoon (βωμολοχία), and, on the other hand, severity, which takes everything seriously and condemns laughter. So St. Thomas Aquinas, in his commentary on the Nicomachean ethics, restored this virtue. Well after the years 1520-1528, when the study of Greek had completely won the battle in France, Jesuit colleges could be seen practicing the reading of Aristophanes and Lucian, along with a series of scholastic exercises, thus illustrating the virtue of Eutrapelia. Defending Greek culture, however, always means giving a pleasant expression to intelligence by using it – as far as possible – with 140; and Mann 1934:113-150. 50 Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics IV, 8, 1128 a4-b9. 51 See St. Thomas Aquinas, ST II–II, Q 168, Art 2.

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the seriousness that reflection demands, the lightness and playfulness essential to any social bond. It must never be forgotten.

Quellen I. Livres anciens Aristophane (1528) = the scientists of Aristophane (1528). Paris: Gilles de Gourmont 1528. Cheradame, Lexicon Graecum (1543) = Lexicopator etymon, ex varia doctissimorum hominum lucubrationibus, pro Joan. Chaeradamus Paris: William Roland and Jerome de Gourmont. Lucien (1515) = Category of the Catholic Church. Lucian of Samosatas Dialogue of the Gods, Number 70, together with an Interpretation of the Latin Source. Strasbourg: Johann Schott. Lucien (1528) = Caesar of the Catholic Church. Lucian von Samosatas Dialogue number introduced with an interpretation of the Latin context. Paris: Gilles de Gourmont. Nachtgall (1522) = Grunnius the Sophist or Pelagus the Human Being of the Ottoman Luscinius of Argentina. Strasbourg: Johann Knobloch d.Ä.

II. Modern Works Allen, Percy Stafford (1938). Opus epistolarum Desiderii Erasmus Roterodami. Vol.9. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bietenholz, Peter G.; Deutscher, Thomas B. (ed.) (1985). Contemporary of Erasmus. A biographical index of the Renaissance and Reformation. Flight. 1: A-E. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Bietenholz, Peter G.; Deutscher, Thomas B. (ed.) (1987). Contemporary of Erasmus. A biographical index of the Renaissance and Reformation. Flight. 3: New Zealand. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Boulhol, Pascal (2014). "The Greek language is not doulz au françois". Study and teaching of Greek in ancient France. Aix-en-Provence: University Press of Provence. Farge, James K. (1980). Biographical Record of Doctors of Theology in Paris, 1500-1536. Toronto: Pontifical Institute for Medieval Studies. Farge, James K. (1992). The Conservative Party in the 16th century. University and Parliament of Paris at the time of the Renaissance and the Reformation. Paris: College de France. Farge, James K. (1998). "The Environment of the University of Paris in 1530: Context and Mentality." - The Origins of the College de France (1500-1560). Proceedings of the international conference (Paris, December 1995), published under dir. by Marc Fumaroli. Paris: College de France, Klincksieck, 315-326.

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Farge, James K. (2006). "The Royal Readers and the University of Paris." - History of the College de France.I: The Creation (1530–1560), edited by André Tuilier. Paris: Fayard, 209-228. Farge, James K. (2008). "Noël Bede and the Defense of Tradition." - Rummel, Erika (ed.), A Companion to Biblical Humanism and Scholasticism in the Age of Erasmus. Leiden: Brill 143-164. Ferreri, Luigi (2014). L'Italia degli Umanisti, 1. Marco Musuro. (Humanistic Europe; 17.) Turnhout: Brepols. Flamengo, Jean-Marie (2016). "Greek Lessons in Paris in the Fifteenth Century." - Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé (BAGB), June 2016, 112-142. Higman, Francisco (1984). "The French Translations of Luther, 1524-1550." - Gilmont, Jean-François (ed.), Palaestra typographica: Aspects of Humanist and Religious Book Production in the Sixteenth Century, Aubel: Gason, 11-56. Irigoin, Jean (2006). "The Royal Readers for Greeks (1530–1560)." - History of the College de France.I: The Creation (1530–1560), edited by André Tuilier. Paris: Fayard, 233-256. Jouanna, Arlette (2006). France in the 16th century. Paris: P.U.F. [1. Ed. 1996]. La Garanderie, Marie-Madeleine de (1995). Christianity and Secular Letters: Essay on French Humanism (1515-1535) and on the Thought of Guillaume Budé. Paris: Champion Honoré. Le Gall, Jean Marie (2015). Françoisier's Lost Honor: Pavie, 1525. Paris: Payot. Maillard, Jean-Francois (2010). "The First Real Readers and Philosophy." - Lisi Bereterbide, Francisco L. (ed.), Tradición clasica y Universidad. Madrid: Dykinson, 591-604. Maillard, Jean-Francois; Flamengo, Jean-Marie (2010). The France of the humanists. HelenistsII. (Humanistic Europe; 8.) Turnhout: Brepols. MAIANO, Ricardo; Rollo, Antonio (ed.) (2002). Manuele Crisolora e il ritorno del greco in Occidente: atti del convegno internazionale (Naples, 26-29 June 1997). Naples: Eastern University Institute. Mann, Margaret (1934). Erasmus and the beginning of the French Reformation (1517-1536). Paris: Champion Honoré. Moreau, Brigitte (1985). Chronological inventory of 16th-century Parisian editions based on manuscripts by Philippe Renouard. III: 1521-1530. Abbeville: F. Paillart. Nolhac, Pierre de (1961). Correspondents of Alde Manuce. New Materials in Literary History (1483–1514). Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo. [Anastatic rendering of the 1887–1888 editions.] Omont, Henri (1891). "Essay on the Beginnings of Greek Typography in Paris (1507–1516)." – Memoirs of the Society for the History of Paris and Île-de-France 18, 1–72. Pernot, Laurent (1993). The rhetoric of praise in the Greco-Roman world. Paris: Institute of Augustinian Studies. Rummel, Erika (2002). The case against Johann Reuchlin: religious and social controversies in sixteenth-century Germany. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

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Vanautgaerden, Alexander (2012). Typographic Erasmus. Humanism and the Press at the beginning of the 16th century. (Works of Humanism and the Renaissance; 503.) Geneva: Droz. Vervliet, Hendrik DL (2008). "Greek Writings of the Early French Renaissance: The Predecessors of the Grecs du Roy." - Vervliet, Hendrik D.L., The Paleotypography of the French Renaissance. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 365-382.

Abstract The Parisian edition of the French Hellenist Jean Cheradame (c. 1495-c. 1543) of nine comedies by Aristophanes, translating the Greek text of the Aldine edition in 1528-1529, thanks to the great Cretan Hellenist Marc Musuros (Venice, 1498 ), presents an interesting characteristic: the work is presented as a collection composed of nine individual booklets. Each comedy is preceded by a letter of dedication, some thirty lines long, written by Cheradame in deliberately complicated Greek and addressed to a different recipient. The substantive analysis of these introductory texts sheds light on some aspects of contemporary reality: the polemical tone of these short texts, which vehemently stigmatize opponents without ever explicitly naming them, shows Cheradames' concern to ostensibly demonstrate his religious fidelity to the teaching of the Catholic Church Church together with its perfect moral integrity. At a time when Luther's ideas were beginning to spread in France and were causing heated controversy, these plays illustrate the ambivalent status of the study of the Greek language in Paris in 1528: Cheradame wanted to show that this language, which the ignorant denounced the study itself it is not dangerous because they see it as a vehicle of heresy; on the contrary, it is useful to contribute to moral education. So Cheradame recommends reading Aristophanes, but accompanied by a warning: these comedies express a wisdom that is certainly very earthly, that of the Greeks, but an attentive reading can lead to truth and divine light.

Abstract The Preliminary Greek Epistles Composed by the French Hellenist Jean Cheradame for his edition of Aristophanes, Paris, 1528 The Hellenist Marc Musurus (Venice, Aldo Manuzio, 1498) has an interesting feature: the work is presented as a collection of nine separate small books, each comedy is preceded by a 30-line letter of dedication, written by Cheradame in deliberately complicated Greek, and each is addressed to someone else. A study of the dedicated reveals the extent of Cheradame's humanist circle of acquaintances

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Right now. The content of this preparatory work illuminates certain current events of the time. Above all, the polemical tone of these short texts, which severely stigmatize anonymous opponents, shows that Cheradame is busy flaunting his religious fidelity to the teachings of the Catholic Church and his perfect moral integrity. At a time when Luther's ideas were beginning to spread in France and were generating heated controversy, these plays illustrate the ambivalent status of Greek studies in Paris in 1528. Such language, denounced by the uninformed as a vehicle of heresy, is not dangerous in itself. . On the contrary, it could make a useful contribution to moral education. So Cheradame recommends reading Aristophanes, but with a caveat: the comedies can express a much more earthly wisdom than that of the Greeks, but if read carefully they can lead to divine truth and divine light.

THE GERMAN GREEK POET LAURENTIOS RODOMAN1 Walther Ludwig

Until now, research on ancient Greek poetry written by humanists has been undertaken only sporadically. As a rule, neither classical philologists nor neo-Greek scholars felt responsible for them. Until now, they have been considered only exceptionally by humanism researchers of all disciplines. And yet these poems are a characteristic part of Europe's intellectual history, which requires awareness and explanation so as not to remain just a strange-looking phenomenon. It is therefore most welcome that humanistic poetry in Greek has become a topic of this colloquium in Tartu. Humanists composed Greek poetry from the 15th to the 20th centuries. The high point of these productions was in the last decades of the 16th century and in the first decade of the 17th, namely in the region of Protestant Germany.2 The Thuringian, little known today, was undoubtedly the princeps inter poets Graecos post renatas litteras until the 18th century Laurentius rhodomanus. The Latin characterization he has just quoted can be found in the title of a nearly four hundred page monograph on Rhodomanus printed in Lübeck in 1741, written by the vice-chancellor of Lübeck Karl Heinrich Lange and dedicated to a descendant of Rhodomanus.3 The treatise De Laurentii Rhodomani vita et scriptis also deserves a mention here, which Theodor Wilhelm Heinrich Perschmann wrote in 1864 in a school program at the Nordhausen Gymnasium in about twenty pages

1

For a more detailed discussion of this subject and a full annotated translation of Rhodomanus's autobiography, see Ludwig 2014. 2 pp. Ludwig 1998. 3 pp. Title page of Lange 1741 and testimonies collected in Lizelius (1730: 154-159).

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published.4 Rhodomanus himself attended this school for a time. Since then, only a few encyclopedia articles have appeared about him.5 Rhodomanus was originally called "Rodemann" in German. The humanistic form of the name, which turned the German part of the name "Rode", which is related to the verb "roden", into a Greek rose, he probably adopted at the Protestant monastery school at Ilfeld in northern Thuringia, which he attended from 1562-1567. His teacher Michael Neander may have named him there. In 1571 he first appeared at the University of Rostock as "Rhodomannus" (with two n),6 later he preferred the form with a single n.7 In Greek he was called "Rodomán".8 Designations occasionally used , but only modern "Rhodomann" and "Rosemann" are Germanization attempts or failed back-translations. His biography will be briefly sketched here.9 Rhodomanus was born in 1546 in the village of Niedersachswerfen in northern Thuringia, the son of a farmer. His father died a few years after his birth. A pastor, who became his stepfather, encouraged him, but he too died soon after. He supported his mother himself and worked part-time as a sexton. After attending Latin schools in several cities and finally the evangelical monastery school in Ilfeld, Rhodomanus first struggled as a private teacher. In 1571 he managed to enroll at the University of Rostock and in the same year he was awarded the Magister artium. After that, he first became a high school teacher in Schwerin, then dean in Lüneburg, and then dean at the monastery school in Walkenried, on the edge of the southern Harz mountains. As early as 1590 he was crowned poet by Paul Schede Melissus and given a coat of arms with rose petals in keeping with his humanist name.10 In 1591 he was appointed professor of Greek at the University of Jena, where he was elected rector in 1597. In 1598 he accepted the position of rector of the Stralsund Gymnasium, and in 1601 he was appointed professor of history at the University of Wittenberg, where he worked until his death in 1606.

4

S. Perschmann 1864. S. Ludwig 2014: 138, n -b331-dd67e21714c8&_hit=0. 7 For example, Epistula dedicatoria da Palestine (Rhodoman 1589), p. 23 and title page. 8 For example v. 267 of his autobiography (ΒΙΟΠΟΡΙΚΟΝ, Crusius 1585: 355). 9 For more, see Ludwig 2014. 10 See Flood 2006: 1682–1683 and discussion in Ludwig 2014: 140–145. 5

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As early as 1595, he was referred to as the German Homer in an epigram on his portrait.11 Comparison with Homer stayed with him throughout his life. His former Rostock teacher, David Chytraeus, called him Homerus Biblicus.12 In a fictional epigram about the sixty-year-old dead man, he became a second Homer (the ancient Homer).13 No other humanist has received such a comparison. He proves his recognition, even if today, of course, it seems exaggerated. Among Rhodomanus's numerous and extensive historical, mythological, and personal Greek poems written in hexameters, which cannot all be listed here, the most sensational was the historical didactic poem Palestine, which in nine books of over 4,500 Greek hexameters describes the history of the Sacred Land from the Creation of Adam and the Patriarchs to Christ in the Seventh Book to the Crusades and the Turks, and which was printed in Frankfurt in 1589.14 The title of the Greco-Latin book successively indicates the form, sources, content and purpose of the presentation. Rhodomanus added a Latin translation to the Greek hexameters. Poetry is intended for the benefit and enjoyment of all Christians who study the good arts. In 1587, Rhodomanus sent a handwritten copy of this poem to Michael Neander, his former teacher at Ilfeld, whom he greatly admired, who soon after responded with enthusiastic admiration. Rhodomanus placed a copy of this letter immediately after the frontispiece of his 1589 edition of Palestine. The German translation reads:15 “Michael Neander sends his regards to Laurentius Rodomanus. As promised, I am now sending your Palestine back. Even though I could hardly casually glimpse it on account of my business, still I observe that it is an excellent work, which surpasses all praise and proclamation, and is so great that I do not believe it is in

11

Por Bernhard Praetorius ("Look, German, good reader, nation of Homer"). A gravura em cobre pode ser foundna na collección gráfica da Casa de Thum e Taxis, ver Galeria de Retratos de Regensburg da Biblioteca Estatal da Baviera, http://rzbvm005.uni-regensburg.de/tut/ Ver também Lange 1741, Ludwig 2014: 144–145. 12 In Chytraeus 1614: 715, Lange 1741: 64. 13 Here lies, O Reader, a man vates, another Homer etc. http:// reader. digital-collections.de/resolve/display/bsb10166219.html. 15 Rhodoman 1589: 3.

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there will be someone in our time, however distinguished for erudition and knowledge of the languages ​​taught, who could achieve something like you here. And I am convinced that it is a work worthy of being read with awe and admiration by all people of all walks and classes of society, but especially by those who teach the older youth in secondary schools, who at the same time learn piety and languages, and useful and necessary things throughout life. This work should be recommended to her by her teachers, if not explained, then at least with enthusiasm. However, perhaps I will write more fully about this work in a few days, if the Lord gives me time. It is a stunning poem, elegant, erudite, and multifaceted, the likes of which have not been written since the renaissance of scholarship and high literature. And I know that all the excellent men who are famous for their excellent learning, like the highly famous Dr. Chytraeus, Caselius, Crusius, Frischlin, and above all Henricus Stephanus and Plantinus, and also our noble and very learned Leonclavius, and the eminent Dresser, and the rest, who in Greek and Latin wisdom and eloquence are not only among our countrymen. , but they are also more famous in foreign nations. And although I am writing this quickly and busier than usual, you must be quite sure that I am not saying anything here for the sake of our friendship and for the sake of your ears, but what I write and explain truly, not otherwise form. in my spirit, think. Goodbye and sorry for my hasty spelling. On August 14, 1587 from Ilfeld.” The printed volume from Palestine was not only highly prized by prominent humanists, but was reportedly purchased by students after its publication. However, this unique historical Greek teaching epic has not found any appreciation in modern research. It was the strong emphasis on Greek by Melanchthon's student Neander that led Rodomanus to the decision to actively use the Greek language to an increasing extent for the composition of Greek poetry. Neander himself adopted Melanchthon's high regard for Greek literature and represented it not only in the classroom but also in many publications. Martin Crusius, who in 1585 published his Germanograecia with his own Greco-Latin speeches and poems in six books, certainly had a hand in Rhodoman's path to great Greek poems. in it

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he finally included four letters from Rhodomanus, which were also written in Greek hexameters.16 He was the only other author that Crusius included in his book, on whose title page he wrote as a meta: ob Graecae linguae studium, quod iampridem Alpes in Germaniam transvolavit, diligenter retinendum et ad plurimarum rerum, quae ab anno M.D.LXVI. usque ad tempus praesens contigerunt non iniucundam cognitionem. It was in line with this program to anchor Greek literature in Germany by means of great epic poems. At the same time, the historical didactic poem Palestine connected the Greek muse with the Holy Land and thus was also a contribution to the unification of the Christian faith with the humanist scholarship that Melanchthon aspired to. Rhodomanus expresses this thought in the very first verses of his Palestine, where, in a modification of the prooemial request for inspiration, he asks the Christian Holy Spirit, here called οὐρανίη χάρις, to inspire him with the spiritual flow of the Greek Muse to do justice. to the homeland of Christ's way of being able to sing. Already in the 17th century, Neander, Crusius and Rhodomanus were rightly seen as the protagonists of Greek literature in Germany, as can be seen in a work published in 1663 by the professor of history and Greek in Gießen, Johann Konrad Dieterich: Its title is: Propagatio Graecarum literarum et Poeseos per Germaniam a Triumviris literariis Michaele Neandro, Martino Crusio et Laurentio Rhodomanno instituta. Viewed from today's perspective, the Greek poetry of Laurentius Rhodomanus presents us with a special phase in German-Greek relations. He and Martin Crusius were the most prominent representatives of the work and efforts that in the decades around 1600, out of enthusiasm for the linguistic form of ancient Greek poetry in particular, sought to recreate and establish that form in Germany alongside the new Latin poetry. of the humanists. A prerequisite for the texts thus produced is an extremely intense assimilation of ancient Greek poetry, which to a large extent must have been familiar and known by heart. However, the study of Greek, and even more so the new production of Greek poetry, was not uncontested even in the Protestant area at the time. Rhodomanus therefore uses the letter of dedication

16

Crusius 1585: 205, 343–355.

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of his Palestine, in order to deal with three Greek-critical positions ex singulari quodam amore et studio [sc. Graecae linguae].17 He briefly touches on the general reasons why Greek should be given its rightful place in the classroom between Latin and Hebrew: first, they are in Greek-speaking philosophical literature, second, in the New Testament and patristics. Greek and, thirdly, that this cultissima et suavissima lingua represents the basis of all higher culture in state and church life. He then addresses objections to the study of Greek. The μισέλληνες or contemtores linguae Graecae asserted that all Greek authors are now well translated into Latin, against which the greater value of sources and the greater sophistication of the Greek language are set. Second, others claimed that Greek prose contained all Greek wisdom and therefore poetry was useless. On the other hand, if you do without poetry, Greek literature will be cut in half. The oldest Greek literature since Orpheus and Museum is poetic. Only the rare and sought-after words of poetry revealed all the richness and mysteries of the Greek language. Poetry weaves words metrically with great grace. And Christian literature also makes use of poetic language, as shown by the Homeric paraphrases of the Psalms of Apollinaris (from Laodicea) and the depictions of Old and New Testament stories in Homeric style by Gregory of Nazianzus. A third - better - group of critics of Greek, which also includes some of its former professors, admits to studying all Greek literature but confines itself to understanding it and refrains from actively speaking and writing Greek. But a true and complete knowledge of the Greek language could only be acquired by including practice in speaking and writing. The boys must be used to composing letters and epigrams of all kinds in Latin and Greek. The possibilities of the Greek language are shortened if one is only allowed to speak and write in Latin. One would find oneself in a Latin and Roman empire, not a Greek empire. But it must also be remembered that by the benevolence of God it might one day be possible to achieve what the Greeks looked forward to and what the empire sought.

17

Rhodoman 1589: 9–23.

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the Germans should strive with all their intellectual and military strength, that is, incorporate the Greeks into this empire, so to speak. So one must certainly communicate with the Greeks in the Greek language, not in the vulgar and semi-barbaric language, but in the cultured language. And even now the Greeks were not so far removed that one could not exchange ideas with them on religious matters, and it was the fervent desire of all that the Greeks should unite them into a common ecclesiastical body and community of the same faith and of the same denomination. united. Also for this it is necessary to know how to use the Greek language orally and in writing. In the background of Crusius and Rhodomanus' efforts to revitalize ancient Greek poetry is the hope that still lingered in Germany at the end of the sixteenth century that one day the Ottoman sultan might be driven out of Constantinople again. At that time, the expectation was even expressed in writings that Murad III. may be the last Ottoman Sultan and that the Roman Empire may be extended to the Greeks. So, in the end, Protestants tried to achieve a Lutheran-Orthodox denominational union, which obviously was in vain. In 1573-1581, the Church leadership of Württemberg exchanged letters with Patriarch Jeremias II of Constantinople to this end. For the desired agreement, one should and wants to be prepared for fruitful communication in the "polite" ancient Greek language. In this situation, Rhodomanus wanted to set an example with his Greek poetry. Poems by him were not intended for a select few, but also to be read by students of Greek and, moreover, to encourage them to write their own poetic compositions. Changes in the intellectual and political situation in the seventeenth century diminished interest in this new Greek poetry, although, diminished in volume and number, it continued to be produced by humanists. A few years before the ambitious Palestine, which he wanted to follow up with an unfinished Germanis on German history from the Germanic period, Rhodomanus, when he was still rector of St. Michaelisschule in Lüneburg, wrote an autobiography in 1582, also in Greek hexameters, which he sent in the form of a letter to his friend Martin Crusius. In this letter, he describes his life over the past 36 years, as well as how he came to write poetry in Greek. Crusius published the letter in his 1585

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Germanograecia.18 This text consists of 268 Greek hexameters, each with a translation into Latin hexameters in the right column. This poetic Greek autobiography has so far completely escaped current and very lively research into literary autobiography. In this epistolary autobiography, Rhodomanus is aware that he “has created a very peculiar story in a new way” (v.32: ἱστορίην καινοῖς ἰδιότροπον ἤθεσι τεύξας). The story is peculiar as his personal autobiography, the new form is that Greek hexameters were used for this here. Perhaps it was inspired by the autobiographical theme of a poem by Gregorio de Nazianzus, which in its edition of the work bears the title Carmen de vita sua (εἰς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ βίον) and which has almost 2,000 iambic verses. Rhodomanus knew and valued this author. Greek hexameters, usually Ionic in color, largely imitate the poetic vocabulary of ancient Greek. In verbal material they use mostly Homeric, less Hesiodic passages, but occasionally there are also words from later epic poets, especially from Nonnus, also from Moschus, Musaeus, Oppian, Colluthus and Quintus von Smyrna. Likewise, rare expressions are used that can only be found in the Anthologia Planudea. Occasionally even Pindar appears in Doric coloring. Rhodomanus tended to rare poetic words. However, he could also use words from classical Greek prose where he saw fit. Also, he seems to have coined epic neologisms from time to time. This combination leaves the Homeric style, the words are longer on average than there, and Rhodoman's penchant for compound words also gives his style a somewhat heavier rhythm. Rhodomanus uses the epic parable, partly in direct connection with the Iliad, sets out sentences and presents various ancient mythological figures understood allegorically (Eileithyia, Enyo, Musas, Cypris and his son Hymenaios and the Erinnye). The hexameter structure of the verse is generally correct in the ancient epic sense. Caesura after the 3rd troche is considerably more frequent than after the 3rd troche. Occasionally, a spondeum appears on the 5th foot. The possibility of shortening the final word before a word with a vowel sound is used. The autobiography follows the chronological course from Rhodoman's birth to his position in Lüneburg as director of a Latin school. since he died

18

Crusius 1585: 348–355.

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Avoiding naming dates, he allows them to be deduced from periphrases by mentioning well-known simultaneous historical events, thus giving his personal story a general historical background. Thus, the year 1546 is marked by the death of Luther, 1551 by the siege of Magdeburg, 1553 by the Battle of Sievershausen and the death of Elector Moritz von Sachsen, 1562 by the elevation of Maximilian II to the rank of emperor, 1567 by the destruction of the fortress Saxony from Grimmenstein near Gotha on behalf of the emperor, 1570 for the conquest of Nicosia in Cyprus by the Ottoman Turks, 1571 for the death of the rector of St. Afra Prince School in Meißen Georg Fabricius and 1572 through the Bartholomäusnacht in Paris and the subsequent appearance of a comet. The events mentioned also show which events were most important to him in the respective years. He believed he could assume that his future readers knew them. The incorporation of German conditions into hexametric Greek verse alienates the narrative, but brings the mentality of this humanist very close. The central points of his autobiography are the material need of the farmer's son, who was left orphaned at an early age, and how to overcome it, the humanistic education that led to his social ascension, which Rhodomanus acquired with great zeal and enthusiasm and, above all, the development of his poetic skills, his beginnings in Latin Poetry in Magdeburg with Mag. Siegfried Sack and the Development of His Greek Poetry in Ilfeld with Mag. Michael Neander. His aim, repeatedly emphasized, was the combination of scholarship and piety. With this double aim, he naturally placed himself consciously in the tradition of Melanchthon, for whom the combination of the studium humanitatis and the studium pietatis, the doctrina Christi and the studia philosophiae was essential. This aim was also expressed in the symbolism of Rhodomans σὺν θ μ μύ μούσαις, with which he took on a favorite expression of melanchthon. ideal combination of piety and scholarship, and Rhodoman's Rostock teacher David Chytraeus, also a pupil of Melanchthon, had already adopted this manner of speaking for his own use. Thus, Rodomanus' poetic letter to Crusius of 5 August 1582 also allows us to better understand his Greek poetry. At the same time, it offers important information about this man's life. social and

19

Perschmann 1864: 10, Ludwig 2001: 31, 272.

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From the point of view of the history of education, it is interesting how the acquisition of education overcame class barriers and how the schools that provided this education were also accessible to very poor children in certain circumstances. A few years later, Rhodomanus was a crowned poet and professor at Saxon universities. In what is probably the only known humanistic autobiography in Greek, he presented the phases of his social and intellectual development, and it was important for him to make this story known. The publication of Crusius' letter was on his mind. He wanted to show the example of his own life and promote the Greek language in Germany, as it was during this time that Rhodomanus and his like-minded friends believed that the Greek muses had come to Germany to stay.

Bibliography I. Ancient Books Chytraeus, David (1614). cards. Hanau: heirs of Johann Aubry, Andreas Wechel. Crusius, Martin (1585). Six German-Greek Books. Basel: Sebastian Henricpetri, Leonhard Ostein. Dieterich, Johann Konrad (1663). The spread of Greek literature and poetry across Germany was pioneered by the literary triumvirate Michael Neander, Martinus Crusius, and Laurentius Rhodomannus. Giessen: Friedrich Karger. Long, Karl Heinrich (1741). M. Laurentii Rhodomani The Greek Language ... The Teacher's Life ... and His Contributions to the Greek Language as a First in Literature. Lubeck: Jonas Schmidt. Lizelius, George (1730). The history of the Greek poets of Germany from the literary renaissance to the present day, where their lives, their poems and the merits of the ancient Greek poets are reviewed. Ulm, Frankfurt, Leipzig: Johann Paul Roth. Rhodoman, Lawrence (1589). Ποιησις CHRISTIANή Παλαιστίνης, ἦτοι Ἁγίας Ἱστορίας βίβλοι ἐννεά. Christian poetry. Palestine, or the Nine Books of Sacred History. By the author Laurentius Rhodomano. Frankfurt: Claude de Marne, Johann Aubry, heirs of Andreas Wechel. (VD16 R 2105). Witte, Hennig (1677). The memories of the most famous philosophers, orators, poets, historians and philologists of our century are renewed. Volume 1 Königsberg, Frankfurt am Main: Martin Hallervord.

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II.Flood of research literature, John L. (2006). Poets Laureates in the Holy Roman Empire. Vol.3. Berlin: W. de Gruyter. Hofmeister, Adolf (1891). The register of the University of Rostock II (Mich. 1499– Ost. 1611). Rostock: Stiller. Ludwig, Walther (1998). Hellas in Germany: Representations of Greek Studies in German-Speaking Countries in the 16th and 17th Centuries. Hamburg: Joachim Jungius Society of Sciences. Ludwig, Walther (2001). 'Cult of the Muses and Worship.'- Ludwig, Walther (ed.), The Muses in the Age of Reformation. Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 9-51. Ludwig, Walter (2014). 'The humanist Laurentius Rhodomanus as Greek poet Laurentios Rodoman and his autobiography of 1582.' – Neulatines Jahrbuch, Journal of Neo-Latin Language and Literature 16, 137-171. Perschmann, Theodor Wilhelm Heinrich (1864). 'De Laurentii Rhodomani vita et scriptis.' - Dr. Karl August Schirlitz, director of the college... . Nordhausen: C. Kirchner, 1-21.

Abstract The Greek-German poet Laurentios Rodoman Laurentius Rhodomanus (1546–1606) was a German humanist who was noted for writing poems in ancient Greek. He was celebrated for this until the 18th century and was therefore called old Homer. The article traces an overview of his life and work, focusing on his historical epic Palestine with more than 4,500 Greek hexameters, his autobiographical letter (Bioporikon, in 268 Greek hexameters) and his motivation to write Greek poetry, an undertaking that usually culminated in the Protestant area by around 1600.

FLORENT CHRESTIA PINDARISKED WITH THE HELP OF HENRI ESTIENNE. CLIMBING Psalm IN GREEK VERSES (PS. 127 HEBREW) IN THE VERSION PUBLISHED IN 1566 AND IN THE AUTOGRAPH OF Alessandra Lukinovich

Preamble In the publishing activity of Henri Estienne (1531-1598) in Geneva, the year 1566 is the most memorable for the publication of Greek, ancient and humanistic poetic works. With the emblem of Stephani (the famous Oliva with the Pauline motto "Noli altum sapere"1) four outstanding titles2 appeared in the same year. Worthy of first mention are the principles of Poetae Graeci heroici carminis, & alii nonnulli, “a thick sheet of almost 900 pages”3, “one of the masterpieces of typography of all time”, as defined by Olivier Reverdin in the catalog of a Homere exposition on Calvin. Hellenistic figures in Geneva4. So let's quote

1

Rom 11:20: μὴ ὑψηλὰ φρόνει. See Jehasse 2002: 714-715. The chronological catalog of Henri Estienne's works prepared by Jehasse shows that the great printer of Greek works, active in Geneva since 1555, had never printed such a large number of editions of Greek poets in a single year. See also Reverdin 1991: 14 and 31. 3 Stephanus, Poetae Graeci 1566. 4 Mixtures Reverdin 2000: 58. Olivier Reverdin is on the eve of the opening of the exhibition (the one at the Museum of et d'histoire de Genève from 21.9.2000 to 4.3. 2001) The catalog was published "as a living tribute" to important Hellenists, as the museum director, Caesar Menz, explains in his preface (p. 17). Nine years earlier, Olivier Reverdin had already defined the principles of Poetae Graeci heroici carminis as "the most beautiful book he [Henri Estienne] ever printed" and agreed with Fred Schreiber, author of The Estiennes (Skriptur 1982), "how much they consider it his book a typographic masterpiece” (Reverdin 1991: 26).

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the Florilegium diversorum epigrammatum veterum5 and, title of particular interest for our purposes, the second enlarged edition of Pindari Olympia, Pythia, Nemea, Isthmia, caeterorum octo lyricorum carmina6. Finally, Henri Estienne, together with his brother Robert (1530–1571), also published in 1566 a small collection of 29 Psalms in Greek verse nuper a diversis translati, in which they appear alongside 7 pieces of his own (a revival of previously published compositions), 4 anonymous plays, 8 plays by Frédéric Jamot (1550–1600) and 10 plays by Florent Chrestien (1542–1596)7. The latter, who had embraced Protestantism at an early age, attended the Academy of Lausanne at the age of sixteen before joining Calvin's newly founded Academy in 1559. Florent Chrestien remained in Geneva for a year and probably had to follow intensive instruction in both biblical languages, Greek and Hebrew, according to the Academy's syllabus8. Above all, his stay in Geneva gave him the opportunity to meet and come into contact with Henri Estienne, who, despite not being a professor at the Academy, exerted a very strong influence on the young student. Henri Estienne, eleven years his senior, ended up becoming his true master. Joseph-Juste Scaliger (1540-1609) described his friend Florent at least this way: "He had learned to write Greek from Henry Estienne, and he wrote Greek, Latin and French very well, as did his master"9. Patrick Andrist evoked this testimony of Scaliger in the study that we published together ten years ago, entitled Poesis et mores: Florent Chrestien, Joseph-Juste Scaliger et les Psaumes

5

Stephanus, Florilegium 1566. Stephanus, Pindari 1566. This is a two-volume edition (bound in the Geneva copy reproduced by e-rara.ch). The first volume is heard devoted to Pindar; the title page of the second volume bears indications partially modified from those found on the title page of the first: fragments Carminum poe- / tarum nouem, lyricae poe- / seωs principu(m). / Alcaei, Sapphus, Stesichori, Ibyci, / Anacreon, Bacchylides, Simonides, Alcmanis, / Pindar. / Einige andere auch. / Mit lateinischer Interpretation, teils / in Sprache, teils in Poesie. / Auflage II angereichert durch die Hinzufügung vieler Verse / Im Jahr LXVI n. chr. / Gedruckt von Henricus Stephanus, dem berühmten Mann / Drucker von Huldrich Fuggeri. 7 Stephani, Psalmorum Davidis 1566 (the small collection of Psalms in Greek verse is published in the appendix of the book, after the paraphrase in Latin verse of 150 Psalms by Georges Buchanan; the 48 pages of the appendix have their own numbering). The copy of the book reproduced by e-rara.ch under the call number e-rara 6199 is in the Geneva Library, where it bears the call number Su 1866 (1). 8 For the program of study provided for by the Academy statutes, see, for example, Borgeaud, Martin 1900: 626, or Calvinism in Europe 1992: 218–219. 9 Scaligerana 1695:91.6

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in Greek verses by Bernensis A 69»10. Written by Florent Chrestien, Bernensis A 69 contains four psalms in Greek verse, paraphrasing Psalms 1, 2, 6, and 8, corresponding exactly to those published by the Estiennes under the name of Chrestien in the little Psalm Collection of 156611, our confidence in that The Judgment Joseph-Juste Scaliger's praise of his friend's poetic qualities was sorely tested on the day when Patrick Andrist, while preparing our article on the Bernensis in the journals of the Dupuy Fund of the National Library of France, came across a disturbing document. On folios 161r–164v of volume 395 of the Dupuy Collection, which compiles documents related to Joseph-Juste Scaliger, Patrick found five psalms in Greek verse12. Of the first (Psalm 6) only four lines are written, corresponding to the first four lines of Psalm 6 attributed to Florent Chrestien in the Estienne edition of 1566 and followed by this note: Reliqua, post paraphrasin Psalmorum Georg. Buchanani. and editus hic psal. subname. Flower. Christiani. it's salmon. editus sub nomine Fl. Christian Aureliano. adeone tanti nostra sunt, ut quae ipsa vix se turi possunt, etiam aliisfamam quaerere debeant? who not so much ingenio adscribantur. J.Scal13.

10

Andrist, Lukinovich 2005: 674. Some of the information I provide at the beginning of this article is from our publication, to which I refer the reader for supporting bibliographical references; I sometimes took the liberty of taking certain formulations of the time literally because I didn't know how to imagine better ones. I would like to recall what we stated at the beginning of our text: “Patrick Andrist focused mainly on historical and codicological issues, while Alessandra Lukinovich developed literary and poetic comments, including grammatical observations; the transcription of Bernensis A 69 and the critical apparatus are the result of joint work.” (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005: 673, note 3). 11 I maintain the convention we adopted for our 2005 article: “psalm” in antiqua refers to biblical models, “psalm” in italics refers to versions or paraphrases (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005:673, note 1). We systematically refer to the Psalms according to the numbering of the Hebrew Bible, as well as the authors of the Psalms in Greek Verse in the Estienne edition of 1566 by Georges Buchanan. And this psalm [was] published under the name of Florent Chrestien. This psalm. Published under the name of Florent Chrestien d'Orléans. Are our works so valuable that even those who can hardly defend themselves have to seek glory for others too? … to which such genius should not be attributed. Joseph Scaliger. I slightly modified the translation from the one we proposed in the 2005 article (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005: 676).

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A corresponding mention follows Psalm 45, which is also limited to four lines, corresponding to the first four lines of Psalm 45 attributed to Florent Chrestien in the Estienne edition. This astonishing discovery led us to give a new direction to our original project, which was to edit and publish Bernensis A69, with the simple aim of making known to the educated public the existence of a Greek manuscript found in the Bongarsiana collection. at the Burgerbibliothek in Bern and has remained unpublished until now. In my stylistic analyzes of the Bernensis Psalms, I paid special attention to discovering elements that confirm the attribution of Psalm 6 to Joseph-Juste Scaliger. As I clearly show in the 2005 article, the style of Psalm 6 is not that of Psalms 1, 2 and 8 signed by Florent Chrestien in the 1566 collection, which also appear in Bernensis A69. This result supports the credibility of Joseph-Juste Scaliger's testimony even more than I understood it in 2005 (although I remain cautious). In fact, in the note found in the Paris Dupuy collection, Scaliger says that his verses are vix se tuiri possunt. He's not entirely happy about it. And indeed, in comparison with the other psalms signed by Florent Chrestien, Psalm 6 can be read as the composition of a true lexicon virtuoso, a connoisseur of the finer aspects of high poetic language, but also as the work of an author for whom undeniably lightness, lacking the natural elegance and shine of a Florent Chrestien. It is possible, therefore, that Joseph-Juste Scaliger recognized the superiority of his friend Florent's poetic vein, despite the - no doubt coordinated - "borrowing" of Psalms 6 and 45 in the 1566 edition, and the praise quoted above is sincere: "he had learned to write in Greek from Henry Estienne and he wrote very well, just like his master..." (Scaligerana 1695: 91). These words are certainly not meant maliciously to suggest that Florent's Greek compositions, at least those of his youth, would have been nothing without the help of "the master", but they nevertheless suggest that in all likelihood Florent Chrestien composed the published Psalms. in 1566 under the direction of Henri Estienne. In my opinion, it would be useless to try to distinguish between what is peculiar to the young man and what the great humanist was able to suggest to him. Henri Estienne, in the postscript to the collection of Psalms in Greek verse published in 1566, writes the postscript which he entitles Henricus Stephanus Musarum Graecarum studiosis 15:14

The expression que ne tanto ingenio zugeschrieben can therefore be understood as self-irony. 15 Stephanus, Psalm Davids 1566:46.

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[…] For there are some of those psalms in which I seem to perceive an elegance so happy that I cannot see anything approaching it. For these and others, though not to be combined with them as parallæus, I found them appropriate for certain reasons. [...] but Apolinário's verses do not carry even a shadow of poetry or faithful interpretation.

He alludes to certain psalms of Chrestia when he writes: Sunt enim ex his Psalmis aliquot in quibus tam felicem elegantiam mihi visus sum perspexisse, vt quid ad eam accedere possit non videam? It would be very interesting to find out. And to which psalms does he refer in the following sentence: caeteros, etsi non tamquam παραλλήλους cum illis componendos, apponẽdos tamen certis de causis existimaui? Does he count the two Psalms composed by Scaliger among the Psalms he considers least successful?16 Sadly, these questions seem destined to remain unanswered. These facts alone seem certain to me: Florent Chrestien signs the largest number of Psalms published by the Estiennes in their 1566 collection; His compositions are extremely fascinating and pleasant to read for whoever writes these lines, and they nourish the deep conviction that other poetry lovers will share his judgment. It is mainly because of this “joy in the text” that I decided to offer Tartu a new poetic analysis of a Psalm in Greek Verses by Florent Chrestien18. But another reason explains my choice of Psalm 127. It is that there is a hitherto unknown autographic copy of it preserved in Leiden, which its author, however, proudly signed.

Henri Estienne did not always have the best relationship with Joseph-Juste Scaliger, as we mentioned in our 2005 article (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005:711, note 141). 17 Today I have a new hypothesis about the presence of two psalms by Scaliger sub nomine Fl.Christiani in the 1566 collection. Jeanne d'Albret hires Florent Chrestien - aged 24 - as tutor of the youth of the future King of France Henri IV, exactly in year the collection was published (cf. e.g. Caze 2006: 217). On this occasion, Henri Estienne undoubtedly wanted to highlight the qualities of his favorite pupil. This would explain the fact that Chrestien signs most of the psalms published in the collection. Thanks to the two Psalms composed by Scaliger, the number of Psalms signed by Chrestien exceeds by two units that of the other young author Frédéric Jamot, who was only sixteen when the book was published. This hypothesis could provide the beginning of an explanation for this sibylline and highly diplomatic formulation of Henri Estienne's afterword: Quibus & caeteros, etsi non tamquam παραλλήλους cum illis componendos, apponẽdos tamen certis de causis existimaui. 18 In the 1566 collection, Florent Chrestien signs these ten psalms: 1, 2, 6, 8, 11, 12, 15, 45, 127 and 133 (numbered according to the Hebrew Bible; Psalm 133 is mistakenly announced in the title as Ps 130). I remember that in the 2005 article (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005) I analyzed the Psalms that also appear in Bernensis A 69, that is, Psalms 1, 2, 6 and 8, and that Joseph-Juste Scaliger claimed the authorship of Psalms 6 and 45 I suggest preparing for a later occasion the commentary on Psalm 133 (mistitled Psalm 130 in the 1566 collection).

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Φλορ. Χριστιανοῦ, and that this autograph, as I will try to demonstrate, predates the Estienne edition of 1566! In fact, during the preparation of our 2005 article, Patrick Andrist unearthed at the Universiteitsbibliotheek of Leiden a magnificent four-page handwritten booklet (a large sheet of paper folded in two) containing published Psalms 133 (132 LXX) and 127 (126 LXX ) contained in the Estienne edition of 1566 under the name of Florent Chrestien19. Patrick immediately recognized Chrestien's elegant handwriting on this Leyden document, which de Meyier had cataloged as being in the hands of Joseph Juste Scaliger. Our Bernensis A 69 is written by the same hand, perhaps in a slightly earlier form. To our great joy, Professor Dieter Harlfinger confirmed this identification during the discussion that followed my presentation at the 2014 Tartu Colloquium21.

This booklet is included in the Collectio chartarum including the manu I. I. Scaligeri et Bon. Vulcanii: Epistulae, Carmina, Varia (Belgice, Gallice, Graece, Latin, Italice) with the symbol suffering. BPG 77; it's there as “Fasc. 8". We were able to consult the document thanks to the excellent photographic reproduction of the Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden, whom we would like to take this opportunity to thank. Mart van Duijn, Curator of Western Manuscripts at the Universiteitsbibliotheek, has kindly given us permission to publish page 2r of this book. first and last pages of the booklet are blank (p. 1r and 2v). Psalms 133 and 127 occupy the two inner pages of the booklet, p. 1v and p. 2r. Psalm 127 is on the right page ( 2r ) because it was probably listed in the fascicle before Psalm 133, which was added later on the left (1v) This may explain the fact that the two Psalms appear in the autograph in an order that does not correspond to their biblical serial number, which is respected from Estienne's edition of the Psalms (1566) I presume that Chrestien considered his Pindar triad (Ps. 127) a more important composition than his little iambic song (Ps. 133), so he wrote it for himself. first in your best handwriting and then in place of honor (right side) in the beautiful notebook. A small hint in this direction is the fact that Chrestien also initialed Psalm 133, but in a much shorter form (Φλ.Χρ.). The author probably wrote the booklet for his friend Joseph-Juste Scaliger, which explains the presence of this autograph in Leiden. 20 Cf. de Meyier, Hulshoff Pol 1965: 157. KA de Meyier's annotation is very short; in any case, it does not provide a complete description of the material aspect of the manuscript. 21 In 2005, after completing the article on the Bernensis Psalms, Patrick Andrist and I began the project of continuing our collaboration, continuing our joint research through editing, annotating and publishing the two autographed Bernensis Psalms formed in Leyden. As in the 2005 article, each one would have worked according to his ability, Patrick in the historical and codicological questions, I in the translation of the texts and mainly in the poetic commentary; again we would take care of the transcription and creation of the texts together. The complications of life so far have prevented us from carrying out this project. The Tartu Humanist Congress could finally have been the καιρός to revive it, but Patrick had to retire with great regret. That's why I decided to take on the part of this common project that was dear to me, namely, the poetic commentary on the two psalms. I will cover Psalm 133 (mistakenly 130 in the 1566 edition) in a forthcoming publication: The meter has much to say about Chrestien's decision to compose this psalm in iambic rhythm.

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Commented reading of Psalm 127 by Florent Chrestien On the following pages the reader will find: A. the transcription of the text of Psalm 127 as it appears on pages 39 and 40 of the Estienne edition of 1566 (see figs A and B) 22 , accompanied by metric analysis23 and translation24; In the Estienne edition, capital letters have neither spirit nor accent. For the sake of clarity, I've added these missing characters. The omicron stress of the adjective ἀγλαόν (verse 1 of the stanza) has a slightly ambiguous form, as sometimes occurs in the edition (cf. δὲ in Epodo verse 2, παίδων in Epode .4). ). I read more like a grave accent, especially since in Estienne's edition the oxytones at the end of the verse usually have a grave accent (even before a comma). B. the analysis of variants of the Leiden Autograph (Leid. BPG 77, Fasc. 8, p. 2r; see Fig. C); C. The Psalm commentary is divided into three sections: “C1. The Poetic Model”, “C2. On Structure and Translation”, “C3. Of language and style”. Where appropriate, the abbreviation "st", "ant" or "ep" will follow the Chrestien line number to locate them in the stanza, antistrophe or epode respectively.

22

Patrick Andrist discovered two prints by Stephani, Psalmorum Davidis 1566 (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005: 676–678). For my annotated reading of Psalm 127 by Florent Chrestien, I rely on print, which is in all probability the more recent: it gives a better text. This is the copy mentioned in note 7 above, reprinted from e-rara.ch under the reference e-rara 6199; it is in the Geneva Library, where it bears the symbol Su 1866 (1). Figures A and B accompanying this article reproduce pages 39 and 40 of this second edition. 23h = break between one verse and another. To make the meter more "physical", I emphasize the closed (long) syllables in each word separately, respecting the phonetic sandhi. 24 Without being literal, this translation is intended as a simple aid to understanding. To my great regret, I cannot compose a psalm in French verse... Thanks to Camille Cellérier for correcting the French in my translation.

Florent Chrestien painted under the direction of Henri Estienne

DOING A e B: Psalm 127 of Florent Chrestien in the edition of Stephen, Psalmorum Davidis 1566 (Geneva Library, http://www.e-rara.ch/doi/10.3931/e-rara-6199).

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SICK. C: Autograph du Psaume 127 by Florent Chrestien. Lead. BPG 77, Fasci. 8, pg. 2r. (Leyde University Library).

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TO 1. Psalm 127 by Florent Chrestien: Title, stanza and antistrophe (1566 edition) Psalm 107, interpretiert by Florent Christian. Wend.

Reversal.

1 Megarons Fundamentalmente, die aglaὸn   –   – –  –?  

Throne, akresperos or ᾿pivas of the words   –   – ?  –  –

2 hopes for newcomers –  –  – –

Look, you know little. –  –   – –

3 God is above all things, –     –  –  

They are covered with  –     –  –  

4 Oὐ popot᾿ ἔrgon οὐ parinatis, h – –  –  –  –  –

Do you make bread for two? – –  –  –  –  –

5 Hopeless and Endless   –  –  – –   – –

Ῥεα γὰρ θεὸς ny toi dotor ἔον   – –  – –  ––

They always kill, even if they want to, 6 Crypius matx when the sleepless night sleeps the children of their friends h – – –   – – –  – – – –  –   –– –  – !– 7 Er is the guardian of the city – – – –   –

God bless you – –?– –   

8 Amfepei, aunt of neglect –  – –? –   –

yeah, so you weren't waiting for no. –  – – –  –

9 palms. not used   – – –   –

What else do you need to earn money   – – –   –

10 Take the first step –   – – –  

Filters or children of friends? –   – – –  –

11 Euphronis ἵκηαι ἐπ᾿ ὄρ–  – –  –

This gastri telthos alone –  – – –   

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Translation of title, verse and antistrophe Psalm 127 translated by Florent Chrestien Verse Whoever wants to complete the new foundation of a palace brilliantly without God's help has no chance of success. Far from what he expects, he in vain drags his sandals around those who, without counting on the hand of God, think that they are protecting their own city by walking at night without closing their eyes. It does you no good to reach the antistrophe of the day in the maternal sweetness of the night, or to go to bed late at night25 and allow yourself only a brief sleep (to get up immediately). Why do you waste your life in ceaseless toil and eat your bread in affliction? God the Giver of Goods, if you want, He will without difficulty offer you all the happiness in your dreams, everything you never dreamed of, because you are His beloved child. What resource do mortals love more than their children? Only God grants belly A2. Psalm 127 by Florent Chrestien: Epode (1566 edition) Ἐπῳδός. 1 Eὔκαρπον ἔδωκε θεός. - -       ἷ δὲ καρτερόγυιος χεὶρ βελέμνοις -   -  - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 εὐστόχοις ὁπλίίεται, ὣς νεότης -          

25

The adjective κοιτάς, -άδος (v. 2) is not attested in Ancient Greek, but appears elsewhere in the collection of Psalms in Greek verse published by the Estiennes in 1566: in fact, we read κοιτάδα κλίναν in v. 32 of Psalm 6, or Florent Chrestien's Sign (Stephani, Psalmorum Davidis 1566:12–14), whose probable author is Joseph-Juste Scaliger (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005:675–676, 704–711). Psalm 6 is rich in hapax (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005:708, note 119). Or model may be Triphiod. 194: πτυχὰ κοιλάδος εὐνῆς. 26 The genitive τέκνων φίλων is evidently not a comparative genitive, but depends on an implied χρῆμα. According to R.Kühner and B.Gerth, there is no evidence of a true duplication of the disjunctive ἤ with a comparative genitive (Kühner, Gerth 1904: 311–312, note 3). It is unlikely that Florent Chrestien made such a mistake in Greek and that Henri Estienne let it pass.

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4 Reverence for children, Father –  – – –   – 5 He perseveres. It's not a filter, what – ? – – –  –  6 Father of good children. –  – – –  – 7 ῏Ω the blessed three, quiver –  – – –  – – 8 ᾿Iodokonträger –  –   – 9 Veleo tndde. τοῖος ᾿ ὄbius  – –  – – –   10 No one in the court –  –  –   11 he will be put to shame. –  – – –  – 

Translation by Epode Epode This reward bears beautiful fruit. As a strong arm is armed with effective traits, the godly youth of children brings happiness to parents, for nothing is dearer to a parent than good offspring. Oh, thrice happy is he who carries a quiver of these arrows! Such a rich man will never leave a negotiation humiliated. B. Variants of the Leiden autograph In the autograph only the words στροφή and the first word of the poem (μεγάρων, v.1º) are capitalized. Enclitics are often added to the preceding word (v.3., 10., 5ant: θεὸς νύτοι27, 11ep)28. 27

In both the autograph and the 1566 edition, θεός has a grave accent instead of the high pitch one would find in a modern edition because of the enclitic νυ that follows. 28 This also happens (less frequently) in the Estienne edition, cf. V.8ant: τόγ', but V.10st: σύ γε.

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The epode has two lexical variants: γονέας instead of πατέρας (V.4) and βέλτερον instead of φίλτερον (V.5). Editing, in my opinion, offers much better text in V.4: in context it is better to speak of "parents", where the plural γονέας can mean "parents (father and mother)", whereas in V.5 my preference applies to the βέλτερον of the autograph. The word φίλτερον (“before”) is already used in v. 10 of the antistrophe in a very similar statement; the return of φίλτερον on the epod gives the impression of a repeat. The word βέλτερον ('better') introduces an innovation into the proof: children are not only dear to their parents but also useful, as the last part of the text explains. Still on the epod we read βέλεων (v.9). The word is correctly accented (βελέων) in the output. The error was not malicious: the tradition strongly emphasizes πόλεων, πράξεων, μάντεων, ὄφεων. The grammarian George Cheroboscos (ixe s. De n. È) even begins at a ζζτησις to find the reason why τειχέων καὶ βελέων κ κ ὀὀ πὶ πολίων ὀαὶ & καὶ σ στ & a; σ καὶ καὶ σ & καὶ ὀαα κ πολίωsetz Three iota subscripts included in the edition are omitted in the autograph (v.6º ματᾶ, v.10º κἂν, v.6ant ἐθέλησιν). In six cases, the punctuation is absent from the autograph While the edition presents one: v.5st ἀλᾶται καὶ– v.2ANT κοιτίδων μικρὰ– v.6ant ὄλβον ἢν e ἐθέλησιν παιδὶ v.4 Ép . 7ep εὐδαίμων φαρέτρην. In all six cases, output punctuation enhances the text, making it easier to understand. In the stanza (v. 5) a comma emphasizes an articulation of the text that is difficult to understand (change of subject of the verb); likewise, the comma in antistrophe v.2 helps clarify the articulation of a complex sentence. Even in the antistrophe, in v. 6, two commas appropriately surround an incision. In the epode, in v.4, a comma suggests the connection of the genitive παίδων to νεότης, preventing the reader from attaching it to the immediately following word πατέρας. Finally, in v.7 of the epodo, the editing comma, as expected, separates the vocative from the body of the sentence. In five cases, the autograph shows punctuation different from the edition: παλάμας, οὐδὲν (v. 9th), κνώσσῃς: (sic)30 τί (v. 2–3ant), θεός οἷα (v. 1–2ep), τέρ, πει οὐ (v. 5ep), τῶνδε τοῖος (v. 9ep). Again, the editing score is better. In the stanza, v. 9, a period articulates the text better than a comma. After κνώσσῃς, in v.2 of the antistrophe, the intersection appropriately marks the syntactic pause. After θεός, in v.1 of

29 30

in Theod. (GG 4.1 Hildgard) 179.24-180.2. It's probably a dot above ( ) with a dot below.

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At this point, a point is appropriate due to the subject change. The syntactic break is also best marked by a dot in verses 5 and 9 of epodo31. This analysis clearly shows that the Estienne edition of 1566 offers the text of Florent Chrestien's Psalm 127 in an improved version over the autograph. The autograph is therefore not a copy of the published text. Chrestien almost certainly wrote the copy now at Leyden before the publication of his Psalms 127 and 133. If the reproduction takes place after publication, the published text will not be used. C. Comment C1. The poetic model Psalm 127 declares that God is the author of all success; without divine favor, all human exertion and effort is in vain. God's beloved, on the other hand, may sleep peacefully: in sleep God works for him and the height of blessings. Children are living proof of the truth of this statement, they are a valuable resource for a father and a weapon as useful and effective as arrows are for a warrior. It is a teaching of wisdom that this psalm transmits, that is, it belongs to the category of psalms of wisdom. In Hellenic poetry, Pindar's work is one of the richest in teachings of truth and wisdom. The choice of an ode by Pindar as the model for a “Greek translation” of Psalm 127 is therefore entirely justified. Furthermore, several themes discussed in Psalm 127 recur in the Greek poet: (1) divine help is the inescapable guarantee of the success of any human endeavor; (2) this applies to both the non-Jewish domain of οἶκος (“family”) and the political domain of πόλις (“city”); (3) Children represent a precious treasure to their parents. Florent Chrestien - or Henri Estienne - had no trouble thinking about Pindar: as already mentioned, in 1566 Henri Estienne published the second enlarged edition of his Pindari Olympia, Pythia, Nemea, Isthmia, caeterorum octo lyricorum carmina, whose first edition appeared in 1560 ; young Florent receives31

In fact, the metric agrees better with the autograph score in three cases: v.6th, v.5th and v.9th. The heavier punctuation in the output makes the phonetic sandhi more complicated. 32 The reader finds later (“Section C2. On Structure and Translation”) the text of Psalm 127 in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, as well as the German version of the Hebrew by Martin Buber (Dieschrift 1986).

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ment came to Geneva in 1559 to remain in that city for about a year. What Pindaric model could be more prestigious than an Olympian? The Thirteenth Olympiad did this beautifully33: at the center of this ode in five triads, more precisely in the epode of the third triad and the fourth triad, is the golden piece offered to Bellerophon in a dream by Athena, a means with which he can tame Pegasus, the winged horse. Upon awakening, Bellerophon finds the present at his side and, thanks to this divine help, he will have the advantage over the Amazons, over the chimeras and over the Sollymen: power of the gods, even beyond oath, even beyond hope, to facilitate the undertaking» 34. Pindar's mythic development beautifully illustrates the central teaching of Psalm 127. From its first line to its last, the Psalm is a commentary on and demonstration of the truth of its central teaching. It is, therefore, largely because of the theme treated in the third triad epode and throughout the fourth triad of the XIII Olympic Games that Florent Chrestien - or for him Henri Estienne - chose this poem as a model for the version of Psalm 127 . As for the meter of Psalm 127, however, two small clues show that the author had before him the first triad of the ode. Verse 7 of the stanza of Psalm 127 ends with the word πόλεως, like v.7 of Ol. 13 ends with the word πολίων in the Estienne de Pindar edition. Later I will mention a lexical synaphy (interweaving) between two verses of the psalm which has its model in the first triad of Ol. 13. I wonder whether Florent Chrestien consulted, on the advice of Henri Estienne or on his own initiative, the metrical scholia on Pindar's odes, or a work of his time in which the meter of that poet was explained. The metric scholia transmitted by the manuscripts already accompany the Roman edition of the Odes of Pindar, published in 1515 under the tutelage of the Cretan Zacharias Calliergis. In 1542, Peter Br(a)ubach reprinted the edition of Calliergis in Frankfurt in an improved form, still with the Scholie metric35. Six years later, the printer Christian Wechel published in Paris, "in the name of Pégase (Sub-Pegasus)", René Guillon's De generibus carminum Graecorum, containing the metrical analysis of the

33

In his important monograph on the reception of Pindar in the French Renaissance, Thomas Schmitz already mentions “Ps. 120” is obviously the culprit (Schmitz 1993: 132). 34 Line 83, translated by Jean-Paul Savignac (Pindare 2004: 153). 35 Cf. Tessier 1989: XX; Schmitz 1993: 268–269 and 274; see also Irigo 1958.

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first triad (yes!) of each Pindar's Olympian according to the Scholia of manuscripts; Andreas Wechel published a second edition of this work in 156036. Be that as it may, the two editions of Pindar published by Henri Estienne in 1560 and 1566 present the odes in the colorimetry of the manuscripts37. However, although Chrestien faithfully follows this colometry, he does not always seem to agree with the metrical interpretation of the kôla offered by the Scholia, as we will see in the following (selective) analysis. First, I cite two modern definitions of the Olympic metric 13, starting with the one proposed by Herwig Maehler on the initiative of Bruno Snell38: “metrum strophae: aeolica ad dactyloepitrita vergentia; epodi: Dactyloepitrita". Snell and Maehler's analysis criteria break with the colometry of the handwritten tradition, removing the role of the meter as a basic principle of analysis and ending with longer periods, that is, verses often gathering several glues39. More recently , Liana Lomiento40 defends a return to the handwritten tradition and, consequently, proposes the meter as the basic unit of analysis. handwritten tradition, which she often analyzes in metra along the lines of the scholia, but not always according to you. For Liana Lomiento, the stanzas/antistanzas of Ol. 13 are presented as a “structure

36

Guillon, De generibus 1560. Cf. Schmitz 1993: 275 and 283. Andrea Tessier, whom I consulted on the subject, drew my attention to the fact that, unlike the choruses of the tragic poets, the manuscripts always present Pindar's work in pure collometry and many sometimes accompanied by metric scholia. I also thank Tessier for his careful review of my finished manuscript. His comments were very helpful to me. 38 Snell, Maehler 1984: 51. I will not reproduce the metrical scheme proposed by Snell Maehler here, as it is of little help in understanding my metrical analysis of Psalm 127. ), but it is far from arbitrary. When analyzing these musical passages, we tried to follow a line of thought. The basic ideas come from the common stock of metric numbers, but poets develop and embroider them in the course of composing a stanza, creating sequences that seem confusing when we look at them in isolation and try to name them, but which are easy to derive from the previous one. . Its etymology is more important than its definition. Recognition of this principle goes back to the insight of B. Snell; see the size of it Metrik (4th ed., 1982), 54–7.” (West 1982:63–64) 40 Pindaro, Le Olimpiche 2013:314–315. Again, I will not reproduce Lomiento's proposed metrical scheme here because it is of little use in understanding my metrical analysis of Psalm 127:37

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giambico-polischematiche" and the epode is formed by "kat'enoplion" and "epitriti". Trying to determine whether the metric perception of Florent Chrestien and Henri Estienne is closer to Snell and Maehler or Liana Lomiento does not make much sense. Florent Chrestien works as a poet41, not as a metric. The Olympique 13 he imitates is certainly the one printed by Henri Estienne (1560 and 1566) in the colorimetry of the manuscripts. As will be seen, for Chrestien the lines (στίχοι), which form the strophic units, with the triadic system, form the basic units of the form in which he forms his version of Psalm 127. If the ancient Scholia κῶλα called the subunits of stanzas (hence the term “colometry”42), Florent certainly considered them “worms.”43 His perception of Pindar's verses passes through the filter of his previous readings, particularly the works of Homer and other Greek hexametric poets, Attic theatre, lesbian poets, also Latin poetry, for example Horace... In his imitation of the trio From Pindaric, he freely explores some possibilities of free metrical and prosodic variations, which he already knows very well, even if his realization of these possibilities is not always in the Pindarian way: brevis in longa at the end of the verse, correptio attica, anceps position in iambic meters (× – –) and trochaic (– – ×). Chrestien imitates the practice of lexical synaphy between the lines that he observes in Pindar: in lines 7 and 8 of the antistrophe of his Psalm he rejects the syllable ται, final of the verb form χαρίσεται, just as Pindar (Edition Estienne) makes the syllable ται decline, final of word κασίγνηται in verses 6 and 7

41

From now on, to simplify my text, I will no longer indicate "with the help of Henri Estienne". I will only mention the name of the young but already brilliant author who signs the psalm in the autograph and in the 1566 edition. 42 Using the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae (TLG) I found only one occurrence of the term κωλομετρία. It is used in the Suda (tenth century AD; ε 3391.16 Adler) in connection with the grammarian Eugene (5th century AD). 43 In an appendix to his edition of Pindar, Henri Estienne publishes De strophis, antistrophis & epodis. Ex prolegomenis scholiorum in Pindarum, where he says well (I quote the Latin translation of Estienne, Stephanus, Pindari 1566: 567): Haec autem è colis constant: at cola uariam mensuram habĕt, quae ex pedibus found. However, like other humanists, Estienne had to consider the terms cola and versus as interchangeable, cf. in particular the title of his collection of psalms: Psalmi aliquot in versus item Graecos nuper a diuersis translati. René Guillon, for example, writes in his De generibus carminum Graecorum: Decimae tertiae odes strophe & antistrophus est versuum vndecim (Guillon, De generibus: 46). Like this author, and no doubt like Estienne and Chrestien, I therefore call the metric units which the Scholia call κῶλα "verse".

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a stanza of the first triad of Olympus 1344. But he goes further than his model when he introduces a lexical synapse between stanza and antistrophe: ἐπ' ὄρ - θρου; Píndaro never or faz. However, this is not a "fault" or mere lack of rhythm, as I explain later in "C2. Structure and Translation." Here is the commentary on some of Florent Chrestien's particular metrical schools in stanza and antistrophe. • Versículo 1 - O 1º V. do Ps. 127 de Chestia (μεγάρων θεμέθλοις ὅστις ἀγλαὸν) repetidamente o esquema métrico do primeiro verso do Ol. 13 da edição de Estienne 1566 (Stephanus, Pindari 1566: 1σο): τρκαν ισο ἐ ἐ. A única diferença é a quantidade da última sílaba: é insignificante. As duas primeiras palavras do salmo enfatizam explicitamente a dinâmica anapástica inicial do esquema métrico: μεγάρων θεμέθλοις (– –). A esplêndida palavra de abertura de Píndaro (τρισολυμπιονίκαν) ends in two long syllables and is more a reminiscence of an aeolian kôlon: Snell and Maehler interpreted it as a Phrecratian catechism ( –  ––). - from the verse of Píndaro, or so, in Chrestien in position lo nga is quite linked to phrase of verse. The second and last word of Pindaro's verse (ἐπαινέων) seems to be an iambic metric with short anceps46. In the Chrestien Psalm we find the same tempo in the last four positions of V.1 both of the strophe (-τις ἀγλαὸν) and of the antistrophe (᾿πιβὰς λεχῶν). In the antistrophe, the words of the psalm expressly emphasize the iambic interpretation of the four positions. The V.1 antistrophe (θρον, ἀκρέσπερος ἢ ᾿πιβὰς λεχῶν) is, however, a curious problem of answer) and the four final positions of iambic time (᾿πιβὰς λε). In the position that missing watermark is present, embora to affirm say respect to ᾿πιβάς? If this estiver interpretation were correct, as the watermark syllable is short, Chrestien would occupy position

Rem. the sound similarity between Chrestien's χαρίσεται and Pindar's κασίγνηται. I already mentioned this reference above due to the fact that Chrestien composed his psalm using the first triad of Ol as a metric and prosodic model. 13 instead of triads 3 and 4. 45 Janika Päll has pointed out to me that we also find interstrophic lexical synapy in the Pindarists before Florentine Chrestien, for example in Robortello in his Biochresmodia (1548) and in Pietro da Cortona in his Ode for Jer . Gonzaga (1555). Thanks to Janika for her careful review of my finished manuscript. Valuable comments from her encouraged me to improve important points in my text. 46 This interpretation can also be found in the Snell-Maehler edition 1984: 51.

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in question an anceps position. It is curious that he compromised the reaction by introducing apheresis. Before considering this imperfect answer as Florent's "metric error" (and Henri Estienne, his teacher and editor), other hypotheses must be considered: a. an academic game that parodies Pindar's style (the answer is not always accurate in Pindar); B. a deliberate modification of the model's metric scheme: the 'overlong' could have been 'eliminated' in both stanza v.1 and antistrophe v.1. In fact, the author could have given the first alpha of ἀγλαὸν (V.1) the value of a short syllable of the Attic correptio: ἀ-γλαὸν. In this case the words ὅστις ἀγλαὸν would correspond to the iambic meter with long anceps and the first resolved longum, and we would find a regular answer with the iambic meter of v.1ant (᾿πιβάς λεχῶν)47. • Verse 5 - Florent Chrestien modifies the Pindaric scheme of v.5: in the sixth position we find in it a breve instead of a long one and in the seventh a long one instead of a breve. This permutation accentuates the iambic character of the verse, already reinforced by the Scholia. • Verse 7 – Both the Scholia and modern analyzes interpret in a “dactyl” (– – –) the sequence of Olympic 13, which corresponds to v. 7 of Psalm. Chrestien transforms this sequence by replacing Pindar's first shorts with two features, at least in the stanza. The verse is given greater weight by assuming an anaesthetic tense appropriate to the meaning of the stanza section. The same verse is lighter in the antistrophe: the syllable in the second position can be interpreted as long48, but also as short, and the last position is occupied by a short one in any case. Did Chrestien respect the answer, or did he give the antistrophe a trochaic thrust (emphasized by a resolution) appropriate to semantics? • Verse 10– This is based on Olympique 13 edited and edited by Henri Estienne (str. 1, v.10: ἀνδράσι πλούτου, χρύσεαι; prev. 1, v.10: εἰν ἀέθλοισιν ·

47

There is no confirmation that Florent Chrestien and Henri Estienne considered the complicated analysis of the ancient metric scholia, where v.1 the st/ant de l'Ol. 13 is represented as an “irregular” antispastic trimeter (Tessier 1989:11; Guillon, De generibus 1560:46). 48 It is possible to close and thus lengthen the first syllable of ὀνείροις by doubling the nasal, as in Homeric prosody.

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πολλὰ δ'ἐν) that Chrestien impressed his verse with a dactylic impetus. If the old Scholia metric in Ol. 13 defines this tenth colon as a lecythe (Εὐριπίδειον)49, the Scholia Recentiora (Triclinius) specifies that it is a lecythe “beginning with a dactyl” (ἐκ δακτύλου ἀρχόμενον)5. In Henri Estienne's edition, verse 10 contains the stanzas and anti-stanzas of all the triads of Ol. 13 corresponds to this last definition (as well as v.10ant of the fifth triad!)51. C2. Structure and Translation For simplicity, I reproduce here the biblical text of Psalm 127 in transliterated Hebrew, in the Greek of the LXX, and in the two Latin versions of the Vulgate (iuxta Hebraicum translatum and iuxta LXX mendatum). I add the hexametric paraphrase of Apollinaire of Laodicea, which Chrestien must have known, conscious of his master's contempt for that author. Finally, we find (in a note) the German version of the Hebrew by Martin Buber (Dieschrift 1986), which comes closer and better to the poetic touch of the Hebrew. All reproduced editions of the Psalm include a colorimetric version of the text. Although the colorimetric representation of the Psalms has a variable and not always followed tradition, it goes back to antiquity for the three languages52, which is why it is used in scholarly editions such as the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, the Göttingen Septuagint and the Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgatam versionem the Württemberg Bible Institute. I myself was guided by semantics and grouped the biblical verses two by two 53; I also added to

49

Tessier 1989: 11; Guillon, De generibus 1560: 47. Abel 1891: 384. Guillon does not give this reference (De generibus 1560:47). 51 In v.8 of the epode of the Psalm (hémiépès:– – –), the last long syllable appears as a 'regularization' of the short one, which occupies the same position in the first epod of Ol. 13. However, this simple change does not require an examination of all epodes of the Pindaric model. 52 On this subject, Klaus Seybold is particularly relevant to Hebrew and Jewish tradition in Chapter 2.2 “Traditional writing. On stichography (graphemics)” in his book Poetics of the Psalms (Seybold 2003: 60–81). For the Greco-Latin tradition, see Sir Edward Maunde Thompson, particularly the first section of ch. 6 entitled: "Stichometria e Colometry" from his textbook of Greek and Latin paleography (Thompson 1912: 67-71). 53 In the Hebrew text, I have slightly adjusted the presentation of the tripartite lines of verses 2 and 5. Since verse 3 contains a contrast, I have aligned its third element (the second of the contrast) with the second hemistich of the other verses. In verse 5 I aligned the third element of v. 7 with the second hemistich of v. 8, guided by the homophony of 'e-'. 50

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Hebrew transliteration of occurrences of pāsēq ("separator"), the vertical bar that emphasizes the separating effect of certain graphic accents. Antoine-Raoul Chevallier, the first professor of Hebrew at the Geneva Academy, very carefully taught the value of graphic accents in the Hebrew Bible, even if he did not practice cantillation. We learn this from his handbook Rudimenta Hebraicae linguae published by Jean Crispin in Geneva in 1560 and 1561. This handbook also contains, after the author's introduction (dated December 1559), a Greek poem by Florent Chrestien (six elegiac couplets) πρὸς τοὺς φιλεβραίους54. 1. Hebrew Psalm 127 (BHS ed. 1990:1211; transliteration: http://www.tanakhml.org)55 šîr hamma'ălôt lišәlōmōh ’im-yәhwāh | lō'-yibәneh bayit 'im-yәhwāh lō'-yišәmār-'îr

aww' | 'āmәlû bonāyw bo šāwә' | āqad no entanto

2

šāwә’ lākem | mašәkîmê qûm ’ōkәlê le em hā‘ă ābîm

mә'a ărê-shebet kên yittēn lididô šēnā'

3

śākār pari habbā en kēn benê hanna'urim

hinnēh na ălat yәhwāh bānîm kә i îm beyad-gibbôr

4

5

’ašәrê haggeber ’ăšer millē’ lō’-yēbōšû kî-yәdabbәrû

54

’et-’ašәpātô mēhem ’et-’ôyәbîm baššā‘ar.

Chevallier, Rudimenta 1560 Dans la Conclusion de Son Chapitre De Accentibus (Chevallier 1567:12–17), Chevallier écrit: All accents affect the syllable. Grammarians inflect pronunciation gracefully, and they are also used by Jews instead of notes. […] We leave the music to the Jews, which anyone who wants to know can ask anyone who has written professionally about accents: including Abraham Balmes, Elias, Reuchlinus, and Ioanes Valensis (Chevallier 1567:16). 55 Translation by Martin Buber (Dieschrift 1986: 188): “XXVII. A song of ascension by Schlomos. If HE does not want to build a house, / its builders fight madly for it. / If HE does not want to protect a city, / the guardian is delirious. / You are raving, / you rise too early, / you sit up too late, / you eat the bread of affliction:- / which is right, / in his sleep he gives to his friend. // There, from him an appropriation: children, / to be sold: the fruit of the womb. / Like arrows in a warrior's hand, / so are the sons of youth. / O happiness of man / who filled his quiver with them! / They will not be put to shame / if they speak to the enemies at the gate»

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2. Psalm 126 LXX (ed. Rahlfs 1979: 309–310) Ὠὴ τὶ ἀναρανιν; of Solomon. When no Master builds a House, when no Master guards a City,

The builders worked in vain, the watchman woke in vain.

2

In your eyes they cry, they get up after sitting down, those who are the bread of pain when they see their loved ones sleeping. 3

This is the inheritance of the Lord, my children, like arrows in the hand of a mighty man,

4

the reward of the fruit of the stomach. such are the children of the cut off ones.

5

bem-aventurado o homem que cumpre seu desejo dentre eles; 3. Salmo 126 Vulgate (ed. Vulgate 1983: 932–935) 3a. Song of Solomon 126 (translated from Hebrew) Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labor in vain; unless the Lord guards the city, he who guards it watches in vain 2

It is in vain that you rise early in the morning after sitting down, you who ate the bread of idols, that it may give sleep to those who care.

This is the inheritance of the children of the Lord, the fruits of the womb are like arrows in the hands of the strong, and so are the children of the young.

5

Blessed is the man who filled his quiver; they will not be ashamed to speak to their enemies at the gate

3b. Song of Songs 126 (corrected after 70) Unless the Lord builds the house, unless the Lord keeps the city

whoever builds it has worked in vain, whoever keeps it watches in vain

2

get up (get up) after sitting down, if you gave sleep to your loved ones

it is in vain that you rise before the light, you who eat the bread of pain 3

This is the inheritance of the children of the Lord, the fruits of the womb are like arrows in the hand of the strong, and so are the children of the weak.

4

5

Blessed is the man who grants (has granted) his wish those who will not be confounded (confused when he speaks) to his enemies at the gate.

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4. Psaume 126, hexametric paraphrase d'Apollinaire de Laodicée (ed. Ludwich 1912: 267): Dodekati dekas ἧδε, member d' ἔχει ἕκτον ἑγετόν. If a king does not build a house, how much do men work for masons? 5 From this void all are sent to prison; write, what do you mean to me here by the fire, that you praise the bread of many sorrows? for then as friends sleep only a perinenum, dirkeo moi vasilios ὼon kleron te e hynas, 10 gastros fruitful friend and wages agaclea; for how alkyentia flies you with the hand of Velem, where the strong shaken are called Hynas. Olbius comforting a friend who wants to be comforted; no enemy sings, all souls are at the gates.

What is certain is that a colorometric representation helps to perceive the structure of the Psalm and thus to understand it better. However, as manuscripts and biblical editions generally never adopted it, it is difficult to determine whether Chrestien worked on elaborate versions of the psalm in any kind of rhythmic notation. Be that as it may, the semantic-syntactic parallelisms on the one hand and the knowledge of the graphic accents of the Hebrew Bible on the other could also help him in the creation of colorimetry56, especially since the structure of the text can be very simple perceived in the special case of Psalm 127 : • first unit, two lines (verse 1): nothing happens without God's help, not even in the private sphere, that of building a house (bayit, οἶκος, domus), nor in the collective sphere, that of securing the city (῾îr, πόλις, civitas)57; the semantic transition to the second unit – 56

See below for my comments on the system of correspondence which Chrestien instituted between his verses and the Hebrew verses. 57 For the Jewish religious tradition, bayit, "house", would here mean the temple. This understanding of the text is refuted by Erhard S. Gerstenberger (Gerstenberger 2001:344–348). However, it may be that the author of the psalm wrote an ambiguous text intended to be understood on two levels, and that the two meanings of 'temple' (collective sphere) and 'special house' (sphere of the οἶκος) overlap.

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as far as sleep is concerned - the verb “to watch” ( šāqad, ἠγρύπνησεν, vigilat) takes care of that; • Unit Two, two verses (verse 2): Why deprive yourself of sleep and “eat bread kneaded in pain” when God offers his gifts to his beloved while he sleeps?58 The last word of this verse presents a problem of interpretation . The Hebrew word šēnā' means "to sleep"; the LXX and Vulgate render it with equivalent words (ὕπνος and somnus), which also never mean "dream"59. Syntactically, the Greek and the two Latin versions understand the word as a direct object complement of the verb: God gives sleep to the people he loves (LXX and Vulg. iuxta LXX) or to the people who love (Vulg. iuxta Hebr. ). They therefore did not retain the use of the Hebrew term as a temporal adverb (“while they slept”)60. But this is exactly how Chrestien understood it, translating it with Greek terms that mean “in a dream” and not “in a sleep” (vv.7–8ant: εἰν ὀνείροις, ὄναρ)61. • Third unit, two verses, verses 3 and 4: The children (the descendants of Israel) are part of the na ălat yәhwāh, that is, the “part of God”, the privileged part that God has reserved for himself, and these children , this “fruit of the body”62, the Lord takes from his personal possessions to offer them to his beloved as a reward (as a reward for the love and faithfulness that the beloved promises him in return). What are arrows to a warrior?

58

In the Hebrew Bible, the term jādîd, "beloved", occurs only eight times, which is part of the erotic vocabulary. The expression iәdîd yәhwāh "beloved of God" is used of Benjamin (Deut 33:12) and of the children (= the people) of Israel (Ps 60:7 = Ps 108:7; Jer 11:15). In "the song of the beloved and his vineyard" (Isaiah 5:1) Isaiah calls God jādîd, probably because he is "the bridegroom" and the people of Israel are "his wife and his beloved." For the interpretation of verses 2 and 3, I used the articles jādîd (Zobel 2003), nā al/na alâ (Lipiński 2005), śākar (Lipiński 2008) and pārâ/p rî (Kedar-Headstone 2007) from GLAT 1988–2010 ( Italian translation of TWAT 1973-2000). 59 “Dream” is Latin for somnium. 60 On the subject of Hebrew adverbs derived from fixed nouns “in the accusative”, see Lettinga 1999: 145 (§ 61f). 61 Also in Greek, the word ὄναρ can be used as an adverb (fixed accusative form): This usage is documented, for example, in Aeschylus (Eum. 116) and in Plato (Theaet. 173d). 62 In the Hebrew Bible, the womb from which children are born is often that of the man, but sometimes also that of the woman, everything depending on the context. The use of the metaphor establishes a correspondence between the "fruits of the (human) womb" and those of the trees and the soil. The analogy with the fruit of trees prevails, although the Hebrew pәrî can also be used in reference to grain (like the Greek word καρπός).

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strong63, the children of "youth" are like that to a father. The theme "God's gift of grace to his beloved" (second unit) is clarified and developed in the third unit: the divine gift that the beloved receives while sleeping, in this case the child. This idea is closely linked to the agricultural experience: man sows, but only God makes the seed sprout “while man sleeps”64. Both the LXX and the Vulgate translate verse 3 of the Psalm tortuously. In Latin, in particular, one would expect "ecce hereditas Domini filii, mercēs fructus ventris" rather than "ecce hereditas Domini, filii mercies, fructus ventris" (or should we understand "ecce hereditas Domini filii, mercies fructus ventris"?) 65 The version which Chrestien offers of these two verses is relatively closer to the Hebrew than the LXX, not to mention the very different version of the Vulgate. I specify: "relatively" because translating bānîm ("son") with generic terms in the sense of "sons, descendants" (v.10ant: τέκνων, v.4ép: παίδων, v.6ép: ἐκγόνων) they only provoke a significant change of meaning compared to the Hebrew66. Furthermore, Chrestien does not seem to have really understood what the "inheritance of the Lord" has to do with it (verse 3: na ălat yәhwāh). He changes the meaning of the sentence, replacing the term "inheritance" with a similar, but vague one: "useful good, merchandise, resource". He also has somewhat confused ideas about the Hemistich śākār pәrî habbā in (vv. 11ant–1ep). Chrestien, however, offers an original and interesting interpretation of the difficult expression bәnê hannә'ûrîm (verse 4). We understand bәnê hannә'ûrîm generally as "the sons of youth" and we explain this expression as "the sons that the father had in his youth", Chrestien translates as if the constructed state were of the qualifying type ("the young sons" ), by this we read in his work: "The youth of children makes parents happy" (vv.3-5ep). We can dispute his interpretation, but we have to admit that she agrees very well with it.

63

The Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti libros by Ludwig Koehler and Walter Baumgartner (Koehler, Baumgartner 1985) gives the following definitions for Gibbôr: “1. virile, powerful wholly masculine, vigorous; 2. Hero (in battle) Fighter”. 64 Cf. in the Gospel of Mark (4,26-29), the parable of the seed that sprouts by itself. 65 I understand the Merx word thank you here as "exchange", but I could be wrong. 66 The LXX correctly translates υἱοί. It is followed by the Vulgate and Apollinaire.

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the last words of the Hebrew Psalm. Perhaps he thought of himself and his colleagues at the Geneva Academy that the ardent young Protestant here added his own epithet: "The pious youth of children pleases parents"67. As for the word καρτερόγυιος (v.2ep), it makes a much better translation of Gibbôr (verse 4) than the misleading δυνατός (“mighty one”) of the LXX. • Fourth unit, two lines, verse 5: Happy is the strong youth (the "boy": Haggeber) who will fill his quiver with these arrow-strings. They are not humiliated, he and his sons, when they quarrel with their enemies baššā'ar "in the gate" (last word of the Psalm!). According to the most common interpretation, "at the gates" means "during a lawsuit"68, but it seems to me that the expression could also apply to conversations outside the gates with the city's enemies, in the context of a war (during a siege). . The author of the Psalm could have deliberately chosen an ambiguous formulation, suitable both for the private sphere (defence of the interests of the οἶκος) and for the collective sphere (defense of the city from the external enemy), according to the parallel invocation of these two spheres in verse 1 ( vv. 1-2). As for chrestien, he translats the first line of this unity according to the Hebrew Bible, while the lxx Gives a completeeely "demilitarized" Version: μακάριος ἄνθρωπος, ὃς πληρώσειν ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ ὐ To conclude this section of my analysis, I will show you how Florent Chrestien prepared his Psalm 127 with an abacus counter. Even if it wasn't squaring the circle, he was faced with a complex problem. The triad, to be composed on the model of Olympiad 13 (Estienne edition), would consist of 33 lines, evenly divided into three units: eleven lines in the stanza, eleven in the antistrophe, and eleven in the epod. Everything is therefore governed by odd numbers. Psalm 127, however, is the domain of the pair: it has eight verses divided into four units of meaning, each consisting of two verses. These four units can, in turn, be divided into two

Chrestien adds a final remark, also his own, to verse 4 of the biblical Psalm (Ps vv. 5-6ep). I remember that I already dealt with the issue of the variants βέλτερον (autograph) and φίλτερον (1566 edition). The autograph variant better fits the meaning of the context because it anticipates what is said in later Makarisms about the usefulness of threads. 68 They met outside the city gates to settle legal matters. The verbs in the last line are plural, which is why we gave them either "the children" or "the parents" as their subject (plural of the generalization: "every parent"). I have not found anywhere the interpretation I have proposed ("the father in the company of his children").

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Sections (V.1-4 and V.5-8). Of the eight verses of the Psalm, six are divided into two hemistiches, while two verses are tripartite, v.3 (the first of verse 2) and v.7 (the first of verse 5). Furthermore, stressed disjunctions follow the stress of important words in Hemistiches 1a, 1b, 2b, and 3a69. Thus, Florentine organized his triad to reflect the colorometric rhythm of Hebrew70: Ps. 127 hebrew

Obs. 127 Christ

to 1 (2 half points)

4 v.

1.–4

Verse 2 (2 he.)

4 V. +

5.–8. +

Verse 3 (three parts, but transposed from Chr. as if they were two parts)

+ 4 v. : (v. 3«a» Heb. >) + 2 v. + (v. 3«b» Heb. >)– 2 v.

- 9.–2

Verse 4 (2 he.)

6 V.: (V. 4a Hebr. >) 2 V. (V. 4b Hebr. >) 4 V.

3ant-8ant

Verse 5 (2 he.)

4 V.: (V. 5a Heb. >) 2 V. (V. 5b Heb. >) 2 V.

9ant–1ep

Verse 6 (2 he.)

5 V.: (V. 6a Hebr. >) 2 V.– (V. 6b Hebr. >) + 3 V.

2ep–6ep

v. 7 (three dimensional)

2 V. +

7ep–8ep+

V. 8 (2 ihn.)

+ 2 v.

– 9ep–11ep

The distribution of the eight verses of the biblical psalm in the triad is balanced: V.1 to 3 in the stanza, V.3 to 5 in the antistrophe and V.5 to 8 in the epode71.

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In Hemistich 4b, for lack of a pause and a disjunctive accent, Martin Buber explicitly isolates the word “/Rechtes,/”, which translates kēn. Surely she wants to emphasize the fundamental message of the psalm: "in his sleep he gives to his friend" (Dieschrift 1986: 188). 70 The first column shows the Hebrew verses (not the verses!); in the second column I indicate, if possible, how many verses of his triad Chrestien assigns to each Hemistich of the translated psalm. The plus (+) and minus (–) signs mean that an incomplete verse must be added or subtracted from the beginning or end of the specified sequence. 71 Apollinaris of Laodicea constructed his paraphrase much more simply. His composition has 14 hexameters (see his text, which I reproduced above from Ludwich 1912): one hexameter per hemistich for the first six lines of the psalm, and one hexameter per line for the last two lines of the psalm.

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As for the number of verses that Chrestien assigns to the biblical Hemistiches, Hemistich 4b takes the lion's share (four verses: vv. 5-8). And rightly so: it is the Hemistich of "the gift which God bestows upon his beloved in her sleep." This hemistich also occupies a prominent place in Chrestien's triad: at the center of the antistrophe (vv. 5ant-8ant) it is at the center of the poem72. In the eight verses of the biblical psalm, 4b concludes the first section of the text before moving on to the second section. For the semantic content of this hemistich to really be the focus of the composition, it should have been placed over lines 4 and 5 by inserting a cross: the center of an eight-line composition could not be anything other than the transition from verse 4 to verse 5. Those who say distribution also say the presence or absence of a connection between the parties. Chrestien knows that enjambment or rejection and lexical synaphy are among the tools used by Greek poets, particularly Pindar, to establish connections between verses or between groups of verses73. As noted above, he closely observed how Pindar implements the lexical synaphy in the first triad of Olympic 13. Here is an annotated list of some of the lexical intersections and synaphisms found in Psalm 127: • Vs. 7 > 8: word in internal rejection of the unit corresponding to verse 2 of the Hebrew Psalm; • Vs. 8. > 9.: word in rejection that establishes a connection between the verses dedicated to the first unit of meaning of the Hebrew text (vv. 1-2) and the verses dedicated to the second (vs. 3-4): these two entities are actually part of one and the same passage (vv. 1-4). This rejection also allows highlighting the expression οὐδὲν δ᾿ ὄφελος, which translates the Hebrew šāwә' lākem “you are of no use” (beginning of Hemistich 3a), isolating it at the end of the verse. The Hebrew word lākem is marked with a disjunctive accent underlined by a pāsēq ("separator"). • v.11º > 1ant: lexical synaphy between the stanza and antistrophe. This synaphy connects the two pairs of verses that Chrestien dedicates to the parallelism that makes up v.3 of the Hebrew: "early in the morning" (2v.), "late at night" (2v.). We never find lexical synaphy between the stanza in Pindar

72

It is not uncommon to find important motifs or words at the center of Pindar's odes or at the center of his rhythmic subunits. In general, this poet organizes the material of his song, subtly distributing it in his stanzas and in his triads. 73 However, according to Milman Parry (Parry 1929), there is no real overlap in the Homeric poems.

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and the antistrophe74: this "folastre" innovated by Chrestien!75 Furthermore, the choice of word that produces the synaphy is comical: it is as if the transition between the stanza and the antistrophe coincided with the transition from night to day in the latter. the provisional period called "dawn" (ὄρθρος). In relation to the Psalm, this passage is synonymous with hope on three levels: for the men the text describes as coming overnight to continue their work; to the readers of the psalm, who will finally find a word of comfort in the antistrophe (God's gifts to his beloved ones); for the poet who, having completed the initial and perhaps most arduous part of his composition, approaches with the antistrophe the heart of the triad, its 'vital center'. v.7ant > 8ant: this lexical synaphy is an imitation of Pindar, Ol. 13, first triad, v. 6–7: κασίγνη-/ται (Estienne edition)76. It is internal to the unit corresponding to hemistic 4b of the Hebrew psalm. The verb that creates the synaphy is well chosen: χαρίσεται, the verb of divine grace! v.11ant > 1ep: syntactic synaphy between the antistrophe and the epode. This synaphy is found in the few lines that Chrestien dedicates to Hemistich 5b of the Hebrew psalm. v.3ep > 4ep: syntactic synapy within the unit corresponding to v.6 of the Hebrew psalm. It is located between the two lines dedicated to half stitch 6a and the three lines dedicated to half stitch 6b. The synaphy emphasizes the noun phrase νεότης εὐσεβής, "the pious youth", i. H. the grammatical subject of the unit reserved for Hemistich 6b. This final unit thus gains ground by robbing the preceding unit: it covers more than three stanzas, a length almost as 'real' as that of the famous Hemistich 4b. Perhaps Chrestien wanted to please his father? Or is he aiming for Henri Estienne? v.4ep > 5ep: word in rejection within the unit corresponding to hemistic 6b of the Hebrew psalm. Chrestien takes very good care of this unit. It is the verb τέρπει that occurs in rejection: it is tempting to read this rejection as a trait of a certain narcissism.

Andrea Tessier referred me to a recent study on the connection between Elisabetta Pitotto's triads (Pitotto 2013). 75 It is her friend Joseph-Juste Scaliger who calls the Florentine “folastre”, cf. Scaligerana 1695: 90. Patrick Andrist cites this testimony at the end of our article “Poesis et mores” (Andrist, Lukinovich 2005: 711). 76 Stephen, Pindari 1566:240.

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• v.9ep > 10ep: syntactic synaphy that allows anticipating the beginning of the unit dedicated to V.8, last stanza of Psalm 127 Makarismo formula found in V.7: ὦ τρὶς εὐδαίμων. In Hebrew, the formula is emphasized by the tripartition of v. 7, which isolates ašәrê haggeber, "happy fellow," at the beginning of the verse. • v.10ep > 11ep: Chrestien seems to have liked the lexical synapy à la Pindar, introducing one at the last opportunity. Thanks to this lexical synaphy, the last stanza of the triad (αις καταισχυνθήσεταί γε) acquires not only a remarkably symmetrical form (a long word surrounded by two monosyllabic words on each side), but also a phonetic element that completes the surprising sonority: three / ai/ echo each other through a phonetic sequence in which the vowels /a/ and /e/ – with a middle /u/ – alternate and hard consonants grouped especially in hard joints. C3. Language and style The last stanza of Psalm 127, with its parodic appearance, is representative of the "Pindaric Way" signed by Florent Chrestien. The disproportionately long word that occupies most of the verse, its small consorts77 and the phonic play show how Florent likes to imitate Pindar, exaggerating his characteristic stylistic traits. In Psalm 127, the parody of the Pindaric style is not only recognizable on a metrical level, but also in the choice of lexicon, word order, and generally high ethos (σεμνόν). Chrestien always uses methods of amplification, such as circumlocution, redundancy, adding epithets, exaggeration. As for the Doric forms, they are rare and, as in the chorales of the Attic theater, they are limited to words with long alpha instead of Attic-Ionic eta. Chrestien, however, managed to give his ode a Doric tone by piling up Attic or epic words that feature a long alpha. This remedy is particularly noticeable in the stanza, but it is also used in the antistrophe and epode. As for the lexicon, there are some passages from Pindar that were particular sources of inspiration for Florent Chrestien. First, borrow from the room

77

The Chrestien triad ends in a short, unstressed monosyllabic open syllable (γε), while the end of a metric progression is often marked by a series of long syllables! 78 See vv. 3, 9 and 10.

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triad of Olympic 13 the verb κνόσσο (Ps. 2ant, vgl. Ol. 13, 71: cyanaigis ἐν ὒρφνᾳ knossonti οἱ πρέτην τοσα κιπεῖν ἔδοχν)7 The formula makarismos (v.7ep.: ὦ τρὶς εὐδαιμον) echoes the first word of Olympic 13 (trisolympionikan). Furthermore, Christians replaced the word characterized, typically biblical, by εὐδαιμον (v.7ep) and ὄλβιος (v.9ep), two more "Hellenic" words, which reflect various semantic features. Verses 54 to 64 of the First Olympiad, where the punishment of Tantalus (a stone hangs over its head), are mentioned three times from Christianity. Still at the First Olympiad, a little earlier, the armature sheet offered by Poseidon to his son Pelops (in answer to his prayer) gave Christian the epithet ἄakrantos (Ol. 1, 86 and Ps. 5o), which the Scholies Explicient8 The drawing θεια παλαμας (V.8–9.) is reserved for the Tenth Olympian (V.21: θεοῦ σὺν παλαμαις)8 Some words of the Psalm turn quite prominent in Píndaro, especially ἀγλαός (v.1o), but also κρώφα (v.3o), ἀμφεπειν (v.8o) and βέλος (v.9ep). On the other hand, the word velemnon, of which there are only four events in the Homeric poems, is not attested in Pindaro. These are the poems of

This session I use Boeckh's numbering to refer me to Pindar's verses. The adjective ἐμπεδόπονος is not used; it is, however, a creation of Chrestien, inspired by the Pindaric ἐμπεδόμοχθος. The same form καρτερόγυιος (v.2ep) is not attested. Chrestien possibly modelu this connection in καρτερόχειρ (epithet of Arès in hy. hom. 8, 3; other occurrences: Bacchyl. Ode 1, 141; hy. orph.; late and Byzantine authors, especially Anth. Gr. 9) formed, 210 , 4: Agathias or Paul, the Silent). On the other hand, he probably assumed the adjective νεόπηκτος (v.2o) of Gregory of Nazianzus, which he liked (the Byzantine lexicons devoted to their vocabulary explain this term), cf. for example, carmina de se ipso MPG 37, 1259.13 ( νηός ν .) and 1265.7 (τριάς, θεότης ν.) and not Batrachomyomachia (v.38), where the adjective refers to cream cheese. The epithet νυκτίπλαγκτος (V.6st) is Aeschylian (almost five times in Ag., Choeph. and Fr.), while the rare ἀκρέσπερος (Sl. 1ant) is used by Theocritus not in the sense of "late in the night"4 (Idyll 22). ). , 77 Gow) and by Nicander (Ther. 25). The formula φαρήτρην / ἰοδόκον (V.7ep–8ep) is found in the Homeric poems with the same enjambement; veja ele. 15, 443-444; or 21, 59–60 (Arc of Ulysses) and 11–12 (nominative). Or Scholia and Eustathius comment on this formula and Hesychios declares ἰοδόκος. Epigrammatists stick to the formula by varying the metrical position and accentuating the epithet. For the expression λεχῶν / κοιτάδων used by Chrestien in his antistrophe (vv.1-2), cf. above, note 25. 81 Two other Pindaric occurrences of this term are also interesting for our purposes: Ol. 2, 87 (or "ravens"; poetic metadiscourse) and Py. 3:23 (Christianity). From the third Pythian, Christian evidently tomou borrowed or verb ἀντλέω (v.3ant), cf. V.61-62: μή, φίλα ψυχά, ίίον / σπεῦδε, τὰν δ'ἔρακτον ἄνταλεϲ ν. 82 We find the same image among the Pythians: θεῶν παλάμαις (1, 48) and Ζηνὸς παλάμαι (2, 40). 80

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Hellenism and Late Antiquity, especially Nonnus who made extensive use of it. Apollinaris of Laodicea uses it in the 11th verse of his paraphrase of the 127th Psalm (126 LXX). This word and the replacement of μακάριος by ὄλβιος form the only two interesting points of contact between Chrestien's psalm and Apollinaire's paraphrase. No one can claim that Chrestien was inspired by Apollinaire, even for these two details. The occurrence of the word τέλθος (not attested in Pindar), which Chrestien uses in place of the LXX μισθός for śākār, is puzzling. It appears twice in the Hymns of Callimachus (Lav. Pall. 106 and Cer. 77); a scholia (ad Lav. Pall. 106) and Hesychios explains it as equivalent to χρέος. Referring to a modern study, Pierre Chantraine's Etymological Dictionary informs that this word "is considered dorism"83. It is as if Florent Chrestien, with the help of his master Henri Estienne, or perhaps even on the basis of his own derivations, had already considered the word τέλθος as a typically Doric word and, consequently, a word suitable to be properly figured in an ode. pindaric. However, it is still possible that he chose the word solely because of its rarity. Florent's playful genius sometimes leads him to engage in dangerous academic elegance. Here are three examples: • Florent finds in Pindar the word κρηπίς, which sometimes means "sandal", sometimes "foundation, seat, foundations"86 and puts this term in mind 83

Sv τέλος (Chantraine 1984:1102, col.2). Both humanists were able to derive the Doric character of the word τέλθος from the fact that the two hymns of Callimachus, in which the word is attested (Lav. Pall. and Cer.), are written in the literary Doric dialect. Callimachus came from Cyrene, a Dorian colony. He is one of the authors of the collection Poetae Graeci Principles Heroici Carminis published by Henri Estienne in 1566 (Stephanus, Poetae Graeci 1566). 85 With the word δικασπολία (Ps. 127, vv. 10ep-11ep), which is neither Pindaric nor Homeric, it is difficult to understand whether Chrestien was inspired by a particular author or poetic genre. The Irvine TLG lists a total of 17 occurrences of this word. However, the most likely source of inspiration seems to me to be Gregory of Nazianze (2 occ. plus a motto in the specialized encyclopedias dedicated to this author's vocabulary). First, in Gregory the word is in the dative plural, as in Chrestien (δικασπολίῃσι in both occ.): This is not the case in Orphic Argonautics (2 occ.), in Quintus of Smyrne (2 occ.), and in Collouthos (1occ.). Of the 6 occupations in the Greek anthology, only one is in the plural. One of Grégoire's events then appears - this seems to me the most convincing clue - in a prayer in which the poet asks God for the power of speech, useful on more than one occasion, above all in trials (Carmina quae espectant ad alios , MPG 37 , 1510, 3–5: Ὦ πάτερ, ἓν ποθέω, μύθων κράτος, ἀντί νυ πάντων. / Καλὸν μὲν ῥήτρης πυρόεν μένος, ἔν τ'ἀγορῇσιν, / Ἔν τε δικασπολίῃσι, καὶ εὐφήμοισι λόγοισιν). 86 Jason, "the man with the only sandal," whose coming had been foretold by an oracle to Pelias, is called μονοκρήπις in the Pythian room (v. 75); κρηπίς in the sense of "foundation, seat, foundations" can be found in two other places in the Pythians (4, 138 and 7, 3/4). 84

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of "Sandal" very close to the boundary separating the two sequences of the first unit of his Psalm, the first sequence being devoted to building a house (v. 1 of the Hebrew Psalm) and the second to the guardian making the night rounds to protect the city (v.2 of the Hebrew Psalm). Even if the game with the two senses of the word is justified87, the comprehension of the text visibly loses its immediacy (the eyes shudder a little when discovering the word κρηπίς). • The adjective εὔφρων and its derivations form a very Pindaric word family, although Pindar only uses the feminine noun εὐφρόνα (“the benevolent one”) in the sense of “night” in the Seventh Nemean (V.3). To evoke the night, Chrestien chooses an Aeschylean expression, which he loosely translates as Doric with the help of a single long alpha: ματέρος / εὐφρόνης, “the kind mother” (vv. 10-11)88. It is inspired by a highly suggestive passage from Aeschylus; Clytemnestre's first words when he entered the scene in Agamemnon (V.264-265: ὐὐγελος μέν, ὡσπερ ἡ παροιμία, / γως γένοιτο μης πyr) 89. of these poor wretches who believe they can do everything themselves without God's help. The Hebrew text does not seem to me to present them as treacherous individuals like Agamemnon's Clytemnestra. In Chrestien's Psalm, the genitive can be interpreted in several ways: if we consider the Aeschylian model, as a genitive of belonging or dependent origin of ἐπ' ὄρθρον ("at dawn that son of the good mother"), otherwise, as a circumstance adjunct of time ("at night, this M.B.") or even as a circumstantial supplement

It is certainly also from the fourth Pytica (v. 268: μόχθον ἄλλοις ἀμφέπειστανον ἐν τείχεσιν) that Chrestien was inspired for the use of the verb ἀμφέπει, although we find seven other occurrences of this verb in Pindar. 87 Without God's help, the "foundations" of both activities are destroyed, both the foundations of the house and the shod feet of the night watch. 88 In fact, the word εὐφρόνη, 'night', is more Ionian. It is attested once in Hesiod (op. 560) and often in Ionian authors, Attic theater, and later Attic prose writers who wrote well. Interestingly, Chrestien writes ματέρος in the Doric style, but retains the Ionic-Attic form for εὐφρόνης. 89 “Good messenger, as the saying goes, / ah! So be the dawn, the one that comes to us from our kind mother [the common mother of whom we are daughters, the dawn and I]” (Translation – considerably altered – by L. Bardollet and B. Deforge, Les Greek tragedies 2001: 307 ). Martin Steinrück has pointed out an interesting parallel to night as the mother of dawn: At the beginning of Sophocles' Parodos des Trachinianas (vv.94-96) the (female!) chorus speaks of the night which "gives birth to the sun" (in the morning ) and "relieves" (at night).

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Attribution of origin (“even if you arrive at dawn, leave at night, you M.B.”)90. • In v. 5 of the antistrophe, precisely in the central and most important part of the triad, we discover, to our surprise, an error in the Greek: the vocative δῶτορ ἐάων, "giver of goods", is obviously linked to the nominative θεός, which is the subject of the main verb of the phrase is (χαρίσεται, v.7-8). Florent Chrestien was no doubt inspired by Callimachus, who at the end of Hymn 1 addresses Zeus with the vocative δῶτορ ἐάων (v. 91), whereas this form of address in the vocative - is the dispatch formula - is commonly used by the god Hermes in the Odyssey (8, 335), in the Homeric hymns to Hermes and Hestia, and in the Orphic fragments91. The Odyssey (8, 325) and Hesiod (passim, eg Th. 46) also use the formula in the nominative plural (θεοὶ δοτῆρες ἐάων), while the nominative singular δώτωρ only among grammarians (Herodian, Scholia, Lexica, Eustathius) is busy ). My annotated reading of Psalm 127 by Florent Chrestien is coming to an end. I bid farewell to my dear reader with these few lines by Robert Lax92: Once begun and without end --- the work of the river the work of the rain --- the work of the spirit

90

The moment we call “dawn” is still part of the night for the vast majority of Greek authors, whatever their era, as can be seen from Irvine's TLG. 91 Also for Hermes we find in the Greek anthology the derived formula δῶτορ ἐφηβοσύνας, “giver of youth” (6, 282, 6: Theodoros), while the original formula δῶτορ ἐάων is used there only for pagan and for Telesphoros. 92 The translation is by Vincent Barras (Lax 2011: 117).

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Bibliography I. BNF Manuscript Sources. Fonds Dupuy 395 [papiers en rapport avec Joseph-Juste Scaliger], ff.161r–164v. Leyde University Library. Schade BPG 77: Collection of essays, etc. by I.I. Scaligeri and Bon. Vulcanii: letters, poems, miscellaneous (Belgian, French, Greek, Latin, Italian), Fasc. 8th.

II. Livres anciens Chevallier, Rudimenta (1560) = {Peṯaḥ ᾿ōhel mȏ῾ēd} / Rudimenta He-/ Braic language. / Written with precise method and conciseness. / That kind of / rudimentary practice that a living voice can replace for those / who are disappointed in the teacher's work. / Author / Antonio Cevallerio / Teacher of your language. / […] / Io scales Crispinus [Geneva, at -8°, 1560]. (http://www.e-rara.ch/gep_g/doi/10.3931/e-rara-42689) Chevallier, Rudimenta (1567) = {Peṯaḥ ᾿ōhel mȏ῾ēd} / Rudimenta He-/ Braic language, / Precise Written with method and brevity. / The same rudimentary practice that can replace a living voice. / All revised and expanded by the same Ant author. Rodolpho Cavallerius your language teacher. / On Hebrew Syntax / General Canons, now published for the first time. / […] / Printed by Henry Stephanus, the illustrious man / Printer by Uldrich Fugger, / M.D. 67 [Geneva, in-4°]. (http://www.e-rara.ch/doi/10.3931/e-rara-3228) Guillon, De generibus (1560) = De generibus / carminum Graecorum / Renato Guillonio / Vindone autore. / Second Edition / Parisiis, / At Andream Wechelum, sub Pegaso, in / vico Bellouaco: Anno Salutis, / 1560. (accessible at: https://books.google.fr) Scaligerana (1695) = Scaligerana / or / bon mots , / pleasant meetings, / et / judicieuses remarques / & Sçavantes de J. Scaliger. / Avec des notes de / Mr. Le Fèvre &/de Mr. von Colomies. / […] New edition / From Cologne. / Chez *** / M.DC. XCV (accès libre sur: https://books.google.fr) Stephanus, Florilegium (1566) = Florilegium duersorum epigrammatum alt / terum, divided into seven books, / with a large epigram (m) increased in number and two indexes ( m). / Henry Stephen. about this edition of his distichó [...] In the year 66 AD / Printed by Henricus Stephanus, the printer of the famous man Hul-/drich Fuggeri. [Geneva, the 4th]. (http://www.e-rara.ch/doi/10.3931/e-rara-6195) Stephen, Pindari (1566) = Pindari / Olympia, Pythia, Nemea, / Isthmia. / Of the other poems of the lyric poets, / Alceus, Sappho, Stesichori, Ibyci, / Anacreon, Bacchylides, Simonides, Alcmanis, / Some others as well. / Edition II Graecolatina H. Steph. / enriched by the recognition of certain interpretations of the passages and the addition of / the lyricor(m) of the poems. / Anno M. D. 66 / Printed by Henr. Stephan, Huldrich Fuggeri's distinguished man/printer. [Geneva, the 8th]. (http://www.e-rara.ch/doi/10.3931/e-rara-6215)

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Stephanus, Poetae Graeci (1566) = Greek poets, leaders of heroic poetry and some others: / Homer, Hesiod, Orpheus, Calim., Aratus, Nicand. / Theocrit., Musk, Bion, Dionysius, Coluthus, Tryphiodorus, / Musaeus, Theognis, Phocylides, golden poems of Pythagoras. / Fragments of others. / Henry Stephens Tetra- / Engraving from this very edition [...] In the year 66 AD / Printed by Henry Stephanus, a famous man / Printer by Huldrich Fuggeri. [Geneva, folio]. (http://www.e-rara.ch/gep_g/doi/10.3931/e-rara-6216) Stephen, Psalmorum Davidis (1566) = Psalmorum / a poetic paraphrase of David, / now published for the first time, / by George Buchananus, a Scotsman, the easy prince of the poets of our time. / Some Psalms of the same David / to Th. B.V. Vers. / Different psalms- / as many in verse ite(m) the Greeks nu-/ translated from à diuersis. / With Henry Stephanus and his / brother Robert (m) Stephanus, royal typographer. / Of the King's Privilege [Geneva 1566, in 8°]. (http://www.e-rara.ch/doi/10.3931/erara-6199)

III. Ouvrages modern Abel, Jenő (ed.) (1891). School in Pindar Epinicia. Ed. Eugene Abel. Part Three: Newer Schools. Volume I: Schools at Olympia and Pythias. Budapest, Berlin: Calvary. Andrist, Patrick; Lukinovich, Alexandra (2005). "Poetry and Morality: Florent Chrestien, Joseph-Juste Scaliger et les Psaumes en vers grecs du Bernensis A 69." Melanges offered by André Hurst. Texts compiled by Antje Kolde, Alessandra Lukinovich and André-Louis Rey. Geneva: Droz, 673-715. BHS (1990) = Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, previously edited [...] by R. Kittel. Fully updated edition. […] Eds. K. Elliger and W. Rudolph. The Masoretic text was edited by H. P. Rüger. It was developed by GE Weil. Fourth edition, revised by H. P. Rüger. Stuttgart: German Bible Society. Borgeaud, Charles; Martin, Paul - E. (1900). History of the University of Geneva. Volume I: Calvin's Academy 1559-1798. Geneva: George. Calvinism in Europe (1992) = Calvinism in Europe 1540-1610. A collection of documents. Selected, trans. and edited by Alastair Duke, Gillian Lewis and Andrew Pettegree. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Caze, Helene (2006). "Chrestia (Florent)." - Centuriae Latinae II, 2006, 211-220. Centuriae Latinae II (2006) = Centuriae Latinae II. One hundred is a Renaissance humanist figure aux Lumières. Réunies by Colette Nativel [...] Geneva: Droz. Chantraine, Pierre (1984). Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecque. history of moths. Volume II Paris: Klinksieck. de Meier, Karel Adriaan; Hülshoff Pol, Elfriede (1965). handwritten codes. Vol.8: Codes of the Public Library of Greece. Luduni Batavorum [Leyde]: University Library.

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The Script (1986) = The Script. Volume 4: The Writings. Germanized by Martin Buber. Sixth edition. Heidelberg: Lambert Schneider. Dorez, Leon (1899). National Library. Catalog of the Dupuy Collection. Volume I. Paris: Leroux. Gerstenberger, Erhard S. (2001). The Forms of Old Testament Literature. Volume 15: Psalms, Part 2 and Lamentations. Grand Rapids Michigan, Cambridge UK: Eerdmans. GLAT (1988-2010) = Great Lessico dell'Antico Testament. Italian edition [del TWAT 1973–2000] edited by Alessandro Catastini and Riccardo Contini (Vol. I) and by Pier Giorgio Borbone (Vol. II–X). 10 volumes Brescia: Paideia. Irigoin, Jean (1958). Metric Pindar Scholies. Paris: master. Jehasse, Jean (2002). The Renaissance of Criticism. L'essor de l'Humanisme érudit from 1560 to 1614. Ed. revised and supplemented. Paris: Champion Honoré. Kedar-Headstone, Benjamin (2007). «pārâ/pәrî.» – GLAT 1988-2010, VII, 322-336. Koehler, Ludwig; Baumgartner, Walter (1985). Lexicon at Veteris Testamenti Libraries. Leiden: Brilliant. ἀποῦῳ ἀνδρί (2005) = ἀποποῳ ἀνδρί. André Hurst offered mélanges. Texts compiled by Antje Kolde, Alessandra Lukinovich and André-Louis Rey. Geneva: Droz. Kuehner, Raphael; Gerth, Bernhard (1904). Detailed grammar of the Greek language. Part II: Theory of sentences. Volume II. Hanover and Leipzig: Hahnsche Bookstore. Lax, Robert (2011). 1 2 3. Poems and Diary. Anthology established and marketed by Vincent Barras. [s.l.]: Editions Héros-Limite. Les Tragiques Grecs (2001) = Les Tragiques Grecs. Vol. I: Aeschylus, Sophocles. Ed. founded by L. Bardollet, B. Deforge and J. Villemonteix. Paris: Lafont. Lettinga, Jan P. (1999). Biblical Hebrew Grammar. traditional Dutch by Annie and Antoon Schoors. Leiden: Brilliant. Lipinski, Eduard (2005). «on the wing/on the wing.» – GLAT 1988-2010, V, 737-758. Lipinski, Edward (2008). "śākar." – GLAT 1988-2010, VIII, 768-776. Ludwig, Arthur (ed.) (1912). Apolinarii metaphrasis psalmorum. Rec. it App. critical instrument Arthur Ludwig. Leipzig: Teubner. Mélanges Reverdin (2000) = Homere chez Calvin. Hellenistic figures in Geneva. Mélanges Olivier Reverdin. Geneva: Droz. Parry, Milman (1929). "The peculiarity of enjambment in Homeric verse." – TAPhA 60, 200-220. (= The Making of Homeric Verse. The Collected Papers of Milman Parry. Edited by Adam Parry. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987, 251–265). Pindar (2004). Pindar. Complete Works. traditional by Jean Paul Savignac. (Minos Collection; 8.) Paris: La Différence. Pindaro, Le Olimpiche (2013) = Pindaro, Le Olimpiche. Intr., testocrit. a trade. by Bruno Gentili, with commentary by Carmine Catenacci, Pietro Giannini and Liana Lomiento. [p. l.]: Fondazione Lorenzo Valla – Arnoldo Mondadori Editore.

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Pitotto, Elizabeth (2013). The intertriadic giunzione Metro, I'm from the show. Turim: this phase. in Letters and Philosophy, University of Studies in Turin. Rahlfs, Alfred (ed.) (1979). Seventy Or Old Testament Gregorian, published pela Academy of Sciences of Gottingen. Vol. X: Psalms with Odyssey. Goettingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Reverdin , Oliver ( 1991 ). Impressões de Grecques en Suisse aux 16e et 17e siècles – National Museum of Art, 16th century. Schmitz , Thomas ( 1993 ). Pindaro in the French Renaissance. Studies on its reception in philology, poetic theory and poetry. (Hypomnemata; 101.) Gottingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht. Schreiber , Fred ( 1982 ). Os Estiennes: 300 highlights. New York: EK Schreiber. Seybold, Klaus (2003). Poetics of the Two Psalms Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Schnell, Bruno; Maehler, Herwig (ed.) (1984). Pindari Poems with excerpts. Part I: Epinicia. Depois of Bruno Snell ed. Hervicus Mahler. To the seventh edition Leipzig: Teubner. Tessier, Andrea (ed.) (1989). A Velha School of Metrics in Pindar's Poetry. Leipzig: Teubner (Reprint Wiesbaden: Springer's Specialized Media). Thompson, Edward Maude (1912). An introduction to Greek and Latin paleography. Oxford: Clarendon Press (reprint Oxford: Oxbow Books). TLG. Thesaurus of the Greek language. A digital library of Greek literature. Irvine: University of California. (stephanus.tlg.uci.edu) TWAT (1973–2000) = Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Founded by G. Johannes Botterweck and Helmer Ringgren, ed. by Heinz-Josef Fabry and Helmer Ringgren. 10 ribbons. Stugarda: Kohlhammer. Vulgate (1983) = Holy Bible according to the Vulgate version. [...] recording. and Robert Weber, OSB, prepared a small device. The third revised edition raised by Bonifatius Fischer OSB [...] Stuttgart: German Bible Society. West, Martin Litchfield (1982). greek metro. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Zobel, Hans-Jurgen (2003). “jādīd.” – GLAT 1988-2010, III, 552-557.

Good to know In the small collection of 29 Psalmi in versus Graecos nuper a diversis translati published in 1566 by Henri Estienne with his brother Robert, ten compositions are signed by Florent Chrestien, then a young student at the Geneva Academy. Alessandra Lukinovich offers here a stylistic analysis of Psalm 127, which Florentine translates in the form of a Pindaric triad. In an article published in 2005, she had already published the stylistic analysis of four other psalms (Ps 1, 2, 6, 8), which appeared in the 1566 collection under the name of Florent Chrestien, but also in an autograph manuscript preserved in the Burgerbibliothek Berne (Bernensis A 69). Psalm 127 also appears along with Psalm 133 in an autographed copy signed by Chrestien.

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This hitherto little-known autograph, preserved in Leiden, contains some variants that were mentioned and commented on in this study. Alessandra Lukinovich will publish a stylistic analysis of Psalm 133 as the third part of a “Triptych of Articles” dedicated to Florent Chrestien.

Summary Florent Chrestien Pindarises conducted by Henri Estienne. Psalm in Greek verse (Psalm 127 in the Hebrew Bible) in 1566 edition and his autograph published in the small collection of 29 Psalms in Greek verse recently translated by various authors (Psalmi in versus Graecos nuper a diversis translati). by Henri Estienne and his brother Robert in 1566, are 10 compositions signed by Florent Chrestien, who at the time was a young student at the Geneva Academy. In her essay, Alessandra Lukinovich proposes a stylistic analysis of Psalm 127, which Florent translates in the form of a Pindaric ode. This work follows a 2005 work in which she published the stylistic analyzes of four other Psalms (Ps. 1, 2, 6, 8) which we read under the name of Florent Chrestien in the 1566 collection mentioned above, but also in an autograph by the Burgerbibliothek in Bern (Bernensis A 69). Psalm 127 also appears along with Psalm 133 in an autograph signed by the author in the Universiteitsbibliotheek of Leyden (Leid. BPG 77, Fasc. 8), not previously discussed. This manuscript contains several text variants that are presented and commented on in the work. Alessandra Lukinovich will also provide a stylistic analysis of Psalm 133 in an upcoming publication, forming the third part of a "triptych" of articles on Florent Chrestien.

SPRING READING: AN ACROSTIC FORM IN PROPERTIUS AND FILELPH Martin Steinrück

Introduction: Tradition of Propertius In the first poem of the third book of Elegies, Propertius not only enters the grove of Hellenistic poets, but imitates what is now (and even Thomas Gray's Elegy written in a rural cemetery) the standard inscriptional text of the games. Comments by Fedeli1 and others seem to disregard or ignore an acrostic that lends a self-referential quality to the conclusion of the text reproduced here2. Callimachus Manes and Coi, the Philite saints, I beg you, do not let me into yours. I am the first to intervene, the Italian priest from Fonte Pura through the orgies of the Graios to conduct the choirs. Tell me where in the cave did you keep the music together and what foot did you enter on? how much water did you drink Ah, may Phoebus who dwells in weapons! let him go straight to the fine pumice stone, where the glory of the high earth exalts me, and the muse born of me triumphs on horseback, and with me in a little carriage the beloved ride, and my writings a multitude of wheels follow. Why do you fight me in vain? it is not given to the muses to take the broad way. 1

Fedeli 1985. In any case, it is an inscription with which Propertius gets rid of his attack on Patroclus and Apollo, because the god Lycian is also a patron of the Maionids (i.e. Homer) and probably also infiltrates Homer's fame machine . For the justification of literary and logical self-reference, Tarski versus Russell and after them Jakobson, see Kuttner-Homs 2013 and 2016. 2

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Many, O Rome, will record your praises in the annals, which will sing of the future end of the Bactra Empire. but since you can read it whenever you want, this work was brought from our virgin side of the Mountain of the Sisters. give soft hair to your poets, Pegasides: they will not harden my head with a crown. but what an envious rabble took from me during my lifetime, I will repay after my death with double interest; Everything after death is shaped by greater antiquity: the greater name comes out of the mouth at funerals. for who knew that the citadels were stricken by the horse with the fir, and that the rivers were near Haemonius the man, that Simon Idaeus Jupiter with his son Scamander, that Hector thrice circled the plains? The land scarcely knew Parim in the arms of Deiphobus, Helenus and Pulydamantes. With a little speech you will now, Ilion, and you Troy will twice be taken prisoner by the god Oetaeus. Even Homer, who related his incident, did not feel that his work would increase with his posterity and that Rome would praise me among her dead grandchildren: that day after the ashes I prophesy. May the stone that despises me not point to the bones of Lycia's tomb after proving her vows to the god. O Callimachus spirit and temple of the Koers Philitas, I beg you, let me enter your sanctuary! I come for the first time, a priest of pure source, bringing the rites of Rome to a Greek dance. In what cave did you refine the music together, what foot went in there and what water do you drink? Out with the people holding Phoebus in their arms Enter the back we've polished to a finer grain. Through him glory lifts me from the ground, and my muse celebrates triumphs through a crown-winning horse. In my carriage, however, go with me little erotes and this horde of writers who follow my wheels. Why are you in vain competing with me for the reins: Our fight with the Muses knows no wider path! Many, Roma, will add their praise to the annals, they write, Bactria is the fifth frontier of the empire. This work, to be read in peace, came from the mountain of the sisters

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brought our site up without incident. Crowned with something soft, your children of poetry, the poet, too hard a crown will not hurt my head. but what critics so often take away from me in life, fame brings me twice after my death with interest. Above all, life is fictitious with time after death, after burial the name sounds bigger in the mouth. No one knew about the spruce horse that knocked down walls and that a Haemon man fought rivers hand to hand. Ida's son Simois by Zeus's son the Scamander, Who in the field Hector thrice colored the wheels, Deiphobos and Hellenes, and under Polydamas' arms Paris, how scarcely would he have recognized his own reason. Ilion and you, Troy, who, Oetagott, Herakles took twice, would rarely be mentioned today. Last but not least, Homer, who told his story, saw his work grow more and more in posterity. Rome will also praise me through her later grandchildren. On the day after death I dedicate myself: let no stone simply mark the bones without a grave, I care and my wish is blessed by the Lycian god.

The Maonid “inscription” (to which Ovid repeatedly alludes)3 is provided with a resolution at the end for readers unfamiliar with the Hellenistic process: Homer. In order not to get caught in the firing line of nasty newspaper slingers, as colleagues have recently done, let me say at the outset that I am less concerned whether Properz wanted this or, as is often asserted in such cases, whether he lost it himself, the who would have put lalangue into the text for him, but to understand where the humanists Filelfo and Poliziano and later Wettstein (see appendix) who commented on Propertius got their elegiac acrostic technique from: they do not use the initial letters of the hexameter and pentameter, but only the first letter of the couplet, i.e. the hexameter. And each of them put a word of confirmation in the text.

3

For example. Amores, 1.15.9: Vivet Maeonides, 3.9.25: Adice Maeoniden etc. Cf. in Poliziano the number 18 in Pontani 2002, where the Homeric and Byzantine expression for the adverb "quick" would be found according to the same system. 4

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Acrostic in Filelfo 1.8 In any case, the Italian humanist Filelfo seems to proceed with a word of confirmation in 1.8 of his Psychagogia, a work composed of three books and 44 poems: in Sapphic stanzas5 for Palla Strozzi, the golden knight, both proud of the difficulties of his exile in Florence drains of his joy like water in a duck's penugem. As in 1.2, his friend Philelfo attempts to extol this stoic inner strength of thought, not only by speaking of thought, but also turning-or visible as a hidden acrostic from the first letters of the stanzas. The aorist participle ΝΟΗΣΑΣ, again marked in bold, is announced in the first stanza of the acrostic in the text and is resumed in the last stanza by the infinitive aorist. Repair and Rent House Residences · Thanksgiving Ο ἴ ἀλγοῦντος πστὶ μόχθος ἤτορος δή μοι τἀγαθὸν φροῦντι τοῖοῖ, ἀλλ'οὐν κατνιτο τοῖοῖ. Ἡ ἡκτν λόγος φαίνει · ​​​​’ Σ υλλαβεῖν κύκλου πόνος κέντρον, λλλὰ τὴν ἔξω ῥᾴδιόν γε χώραν. σστ’ ὁδὸς mούνη ρετὴν ἄκραν, πολλαὶ αἶσχος. Ἀ λλὰ σοὶ πάλα θεὸς ἐστὶν ὔνους ἀνδρί, πᾶν θυμοῦ πάθος ὃς Δαμάσας τὴν λόγούν ὁδὸν ἰἰἰσβαδς τὴν λόγούν ὁδὸν ἰ.. 5

you mean it works

Virtue Center for Virtue

For the text, see Cortassa, Maltese 1997. It is not quite correct to speak of stanzas, as this term should be reserved for the response form of stanza and antistrophe, and Sappho's songs were already described by Hephaestion in antiquity as monostrophika asmata, as Series catalogs in the same way, without subgroups. Even though the term stanza is sometimes applied to Sappho in Scholia and Hephaestion, the linguistic currency Sapphic stanza seems to have a more post-humanist bent. Stanze, 'room' fits very well with the image of the oikos already amusingly applied by Alkaios to the rhythmic unit and reused in the Greek liturgy, perhaps from the Arabic bajt, house (for stanzas). See Steinrück 2013.

Springlese: an acrostic form in Propertius and Filelfo

In him, in all of life, the works of the Divine are understood, in the light as in a mirror, blessed be he.

303

Jobs you understand

If we want to look here for typologies or traditions (and therefore also arguments in a methodologically rather desolate area), we must first note that both examples, Properz 3.1 and Filelfo 1.8, words that may have appeared in the course of the genesis text, with support from contextual information in the text. Due to the semantic connection, this second type of acrostic would be the first argument for the fact that more is being read into the text than the persecution mania of a 21st century philologist.6 The second argument could be the way in which such a structure it fits. Here, the repeated lexemes form what German philologists began 100 years ago7 to call ring composition (νοήσας ἔργα ἀρετὴ κύκλου ἀρετὴν ἔργοις νοῆσαι). This composition of the semantic ring, which is only suggested by the repeated words, is surrounded by a parallelistic outer frame (xyz-xyz). The acrostic not only interacts with the composition of the ring through its expansion, but also fits into the center of the outer frame. If we were dealing with semantic, phonic or even intertextual problems, these two arguments would probably be enough. But the philological fear of reading puerility in the text and being considered puer, μειράκιον, as the Alexandrian scholia already warns the reader not to read the repetitions in the text that the scholia itself emphasizes, because that would be μειρακιώδης, this fear creates a strange silence in the text. classroom to this day. The objection that the author could not have noticed what automatism Muse or lalangue undoubtedly placed in the text is used as a cheap rhetorical device (doubt costs no proof) to discredit a fellow researcher, as a locus communis in the sense of the old Progymnasmata , which unfortunately has nothing to do with the rules of scientific dialogue, where arguments and evidence count. At best, the burden of a probability calculation is imposed on the proposer. Such would basically be the task of the doubt hypothesis, since the probability of a positive event is calculated negatively. Especially 6

According to Barthes, reading is a form of paranoia, otherwise there is no point (Barthes 1973:

99). 7

The term was first mentioned by Ziegler 1927, but the concept dates back to Müller 1908. Wilamowitz-Moellendorf 1914: 35, 54, 71, 78f. and Van Otterlo 1944: 131ff. present a bibliography of 100 years.

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but, unlike actuarial mathematics, one cannot assume pure mathematical probability in the case of linguistic-poetic events, because the real corpora, the Odyssey, the Iliad or the Aeneid already have a poetically oriented arrangement.8 As statistician friends observe, they are , only procedures such as the Monte Carlo method are conceivable, in which corpora existing or created according to conversion rules are compared with each other. That is, absolute probability values ​​are difficult to obtain, but the relative distribution of such phenomena in Filelfos De Psychagogia provides another argument.

Acrostic in Filelfo 1.1 For example, we find an acrostic at the very beginning of the catalogue, in 1.1: ATOKOS, "who has no descendants", in the elegiac hexameters: The form of the long elegiac letter in the tradition of Aulus Sabinus is easily remembered when read in repeated words : ABC DE FGH FGH ED ABC, avoids the parallelistic form of the catalogue, which prevails in the Byzantine tradition, interrupted only by a small chiasm. Alphonse émos melesin, God Africa, Italy wise te eὖ poieῆn, We are wise te Eὖ poiến Muse of the Italians, Greeks Alphonso, in Melesin, God

The acrostic covers the part from v.1 to 11 and also fits perfectly in the rhythmic division of the lyrics. The only problem seems to be the relationship between the acrostic and the semantic level of the lyrics. Why speak of sterility in a man whose power is praised on the semantic level? O star among men, O light of all those redeemed by the glory of days and the mighty wonders of years; Alphonse's actions are numerous and good, and I, ready to listen to him, meditate,

8

Afonso I'm studying

There is a metric-prosodic tendency for more words with initial vowels at the beginning of a verse than in the middle.

Springlese: an acrostic form in Propertius and Filelfo

I accomplished nothing, no measure of praise, 5 God is glorified in you through virtue, and you are he whose actions are tinged with God, always doing good, always doing good; Where did the earth come from to the gods or the gods? None of your virtues adorns you, my daughter, you are alone, everyone is. First, this glory shines before you, sleep, O king, and go to judgment.

Bom

africa italy

15 men

Be wise in all your ways, be wise, be wise, work wisely and act wisely, my dear daughter; 20 You do nothing out of ignorance; your mind is always busy and your talk is about who you are as long as you live. Whom they consider worthy, whom everyone admires, but still wants to respect. Where you are blessed by the goddess Phoebus, they kiss you. 25 You are sweet, you delight in your virtues, I am celibate, you are very wise, a place where you are wise, you are a worthy man, do not let her marry you . All rivers run through the sea, all good houses lead. But you and those who receive hear the glory of your honor: it is immortal. For as all death is the glory of illustrious kings, whose divinely sweetest music Musa nourishes; but to thee, O king, let all men owe this blessing, to him whose words he has power, he guards not the language of the Italians, but that of the Greeks as well. Because Alphonse is not among mortals, there is a god, but God who has heaven.

wise man

30 Eὖ ... by whom

musa 35

italian greek man

40

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Musa, the Thygater, whom the roofs of Olympus bathe, and Alphonso, sweeter in Melesion, than Pellaion, that Caesar Pieris another, or that Pellides Dardanion, king, that also all evildoers be restored. God's vision is always created by this knowledge, which God has as a principle in all actions.

Alfonso... considering

45

50

Bom

Even if King Alfonso was known to be childless in his official marriage, a deliberate or later accepted coup seems somewhat superfluous. But the context of the letter's genesis offers a connection. We know that the poem was composed around November 13, 1453, when the daughter of Alfonso's illegitimate son, Beatrice, future queen of Hungary, had just been born. So the half-concealed, half-emphasized message becomes an ironic critique of the king's critics, and therefore makes sense in a song of praise.

Acrostic in Filelfo 1.4 The following acrostic is found again at the beginning of the Sapphic stanzas of 1.4, for Hieronymus Castello: COMMON. Lyrical partner friend of K astali, ᾄde Kastellon melesin. At the end, Musa Parnassos sang a hymn for Phoebe. This man is of brilliant wisdom, not one who heals the sick according to custom, but regards humble virtues like Toulbion; for he who has sense prays for the healing arts and wonders of Rhexa when people are gravely ill. N Storos spoke sweetly and presented a sign, a word, behind which Socrates was the first and the rest of the astral beings to earth.

Springlese: an acrostic form in Propertius and Filelfo

For this Vorsius kisses the greats of hell and others of those years among all the stars. Radiant of all virtues, the god Vorsius adorns a man's character, Vorsius is good, good, wise and the principle exists. You, Castle, do as I do, to be a saint among the best, to live a perfect life, a man of virtue. That, then, friend Amphoinen, let our meritorious men now fall to the moon, which alone is worthy of praise in abundance. The prince represents Phoebus, Athena his eyes, Zeus on his forehead, the arm of Hercules, Areos and two cisterns.

the god

But not many have fallen in time: a good measure is everywhere, and by the nature of sulphur, over all six bodies. and because of the glory of valor or righteousness, so many people excel others that they are compared with middle equals. Borsius, sober and sensible, is the first to bestow gifts, and looks cheerfully handsome, if nothing else, in the opinion of the men present, is to be dispensed with. Worthy are the saints like the lords and princes of all the worlds, who love whom they love and kiss well. Now let's write this as a song, there's no more time, but Kastellus will recite it in major.

wasting time

Is it over there

freund

Feb

our time

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The acrostic is easily linked to the subject of the letter. Because it is a question of asking the physician-poet Castello for a division of labor in the courtly eulogy of Lord Borso, be it the tradition of the epic catalog of Orpheus (which fits well with a physician) or perhaps simply pindarizing,9 here the Alexandrian term is used. opposes it to the lyric and, therefore, to the Sapphic stanzas. At the level of composition, the acrostic is again an aid to classification. The letter has three small formal units, of which the first of the 5 stanzas is bound by the acrostic; the second consists of 4 stanzas in a chiasm - the praise of Borso in the 6th stanza corresponds in the 9th to an imitation of the Iliad, where Agamemnon's body is sewn similarly from the body parts of the gods, in the middle, at the sides. stanzas 7 and 8, on the other hand, the second person is addressed (Castello); the third, again of 5 stanzas, is separated from the others by the voice in the first person, lamenting, like Pindar in the seventh Nemae, the too fast passage of poetry or the reading time that frames it. Thus, each part is attributed to a voice in the Borso, Castello and Filelfo triangle, and it can be said that the acrostic has a formal function.

Acrostic in Filelfo 1.7 The third acrostic could be the work of lalangue, as it has only 4 letters, but the relationship with the addressee and the transmission of the text indicate that it did not escape Filelfo's attention. ΕΠΟΣ is found in the elegiac couplets from 1.7 to Sforza, but only in manuscript B. As Filelfo is writing an epic dedicated to Sforza, the Sphortias, we are not too surprised that such an acrostic appears. 9

Because the end of the letter can point to Ovid and therefore to the epic, as well as to Horace and therefore to the clear contrast with the Sapphic stanzas of those years, the Pindaric odes. Ovid's Metamorphosis, Book 10: It was said before: I sang the giants with a lute heavier, 150 and scattered the victorious lightning of the Phlegraeans over the plains. Now we need a lighter lyre and let's sing for the boys.

Springlese: an acrostic form in Propertius and Filelfo

Sfortiades faos the ruler Francisque Latins hopes that those who kiss you hear, father, in the divine virtue of our desire it is you whose glory all the world marveled at. For there is no gloomy darkness we magnify deeds if you do them wisely. You always act wisely; let the moose talk to the next soul that God leads; you are not acting without skill; nothing is rightly lifted to heaven like a sword. From whom you are all beautiful, and only you are excellent, worthy people, you give worthy gifts, you give the best gifts, you are good and kind, you are the only one among people in the highest heaven. Because God is so much in the world, but the action of God who sees everything. In the pure soul of the Savior of God in the city they like to do this; there you received the glory of Nikas, radiant from your enemies, O pious one; there Philip Vlagan gave you Mary of England, his daughter, his glory. where you have so many cities, so many phalanxes, a multitude of overwhelming money and Kleisin, Franks, lavish and ignorant, all ladies showing great virtue. And why do I remember the great power and multitude of the Iberians who pierced it in the south? All Italy is here bathed in the name of a divine wonder, the houses of Delphi are all in you. The struggle and triumphs of the Karavaginas are not due to oblivion, nor to time, nor to death. Now you and I, Mohammed, with whom all disrespect, the ruler of the divine weapon, is afraid of Agan. On this day you save all mortals, gods and Christ our Father to die. For when you suffer death on the cross because you wanted the guilt of your aged parents, you defend yourself in vain, as if you saw the one who always acted according to your faith, Christ saved him.

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Pai

5

10

fifteen

Times 20 times 25

30

35 Christ the Father save

40

Christ.... you more correct

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The "Construction" has a sort of ABCA form, the first long part begins by addressing Sforza as a father and ends with a shorter part invoking Christ as a father, in the middle there are two parts, the first of which is of Sforza in general acts speech, the second teaches the examples. The acrostic would end the first part. It is interesting that lines 12b–14a are missing from autograph L, but are present in autograph B.10 This appears to be a transcription error, a skip between Homoioteleuta, leading the editors not to indicate the acrostic, especially due to uncertainty about the chronology. and they rely more on the L handwriting. Is it conceivable that Filelfo neglected his own acrostic? Without the omission, without much loss of meaning, we get a slightly less garrulous antithesis. Is it conceivable that L really is the original, as the editors suspect, and that Filelfo noticed the possibility of an acrostic in a copy adding a verse and two half-verses? With the acrostic, however, the poem has about 40 lines, without only 38. The fourth acrostic is the one already discussed in 1.8. The fifth, addressed to Cardinal Bessarion, is found in the middle of 1.9, but without clear coordinates that would place it in form: it is the Latin word ΠΟΜΠΑ and is found in the context of the description of purple. There is perhaps a sixth at 1.13, a Byzantine pun on the recipient's name Theodore Gaza, ΧΑΣΑΣ, "you lost", but the formal and contextual arguments remain weak. A final argument for noticing this configuration is its placement in the collection. If the skeptics' thesis were correct and all these words created by lalangue, by chance (subject to statistical necessity) or by the muse, had gone unnoticed by the author who is always reading (and such inattention is almost always assumed), then the words would have that as in the Odyssey, which is certainly oral and without the conscience of verses placed vertically, normally it does not exceed 4 letters (72 times) and in the few acrostics (15) composed of 5 letters they never have relation to the text, but above all they they appear with good regularity.11 But this is not precisely the case in the Psychagogia collection. because every 10

See Cortasse, Maltese 1997. A comparison of Odyssey with (extrapolated) Posthomerica gives the following numbers: Odyssey Posthomerica 4 letters 72 – 68 5 letters 15 – 12 6 letters 1 – 8 11

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Acrostics are found at the beginning of Book I (at 1–9) and the texts make up only 23% of the edition. In the editing sequence (1.10-16, 2.1-14, 3.1-14) there is nothing more. Statistically, the skeptics' thesis is therefore untenable. If we take into account Filelfo's principle of always alternating between Sapphic stanzas and elegiac couplets, then the attribution of 5 acrostics to the first 9 poems must be an attempt to organize the accumulated material in the edition in such a way that all acrostics are always in the support most read initial. So Filelfo must have noticed the muse's work, helped or sometimes even taken over her work. From a methodological point of view, one can compare the ancient intentional or unnoticed acrostichides spoken of by Cicero, the akrosticha (2 times Nikandros in Nikander), the telesticha (Misellus in an inscription about the third bishop of Toledo), the strophogrammata (or bustrophedon : a style Vergilii Maronis in Aeneid 1.1-412) divide the Dochmiogramma13 and the keratogramma14 into three groups: 1) a first, where it must be assumed that the author realized from the beginning what his text is doing and adopted it, or in indeed, it had something of a plan, as these acrostics mostly refer to the genesis of the text, the author or the poetry; 2) a second group, in which the author realizes what happened at the end of the reading and can change the text accordingly (these structures usually have something to do with the semantics of the text); 3) and the third group of longer lexemes, which are necessarily formed once or twice in each series of about 150 letters arranged according to non-semantic principles, without, therefore, being foreseen in the semiotic process. If the author does not notice them, then mainly the absence of echoes with the semantic chain, the text, is a sign of this, but nothing prevents these words from being received by readers as a hidden message, that is, important. 15 Filelfo's acrostics would easily fit into the second group.

In Quintus's written text, 6-letter acrostics are more common and mainly related to semantics, smaller acrostics (of the third group) are somewhat rarer. 12 cf. Castelletti 2012, which Calpurnius seems to take up again in his Eclogue on Virgil and Theocritus, insofar as he attributes to a shepherd representing Virgil the name Astilus, which is neither Greek nor previously attested in Latin. 13 See Laurent 2015. 14 Squirrel-shaped or crescent-shaped like lepte in Arat, Phaenomena 783–787. 15 Maxime Laurent has very revealing examples of this chapter in the history of reading, but they must not be anticipated. But, for example, dapses, a Homeric impossible acrostic, was noticed by Hellenistic readers and this includes the leuke in book 24 of the Iliad.

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Final Remarks The jump rule indicated at the beginning is more interesting. Finding templates for this is not as easy as it sounds. The acrostic and the like (Julius Caesar Scaliger speaks of serpentinum, cancrinum, versus correlativi, concordant, intercalary)16 is becoming a more common phenomenon in modern times, about which Robortello says his laborant contemporaries, and Scaliger sees a development of the Greeks to the Romans (genus facetum, quod frigide Graeci, Latini acutius exercuere). 17 In the seventeenth century, the leap of these poems is associated with Johannes Sturm's curriculum in Strasbourg.18 In the eighteenth century. the baroque game disappears. But little can be found about the beginning of the Renaissance, after all the initial beginning of the chapters is attested by Francesco Colonna from 1461 (all the beginnings of the chapters of the Hypnerotomachia render Poliam Frater Franciscus peramavit),19 6 years before the compilation of de Psychagogia. In late antiquity, one can also cite the principles of the Romans des Meloden, which combined the beginning of the stanzas of the liturgy to form longer syntagms, or Gottfried von Strassburg, of the Tristanzenzen with initial letters initialed which gave rise to the name Dietrich. Is it to be assumed, then, that Filelfo applied a common practice of his time to Sapphic stanzas and elegiac couplets? But what could the acrostic in Properz, which clearly belongs to the second group, mean for the avid reader of Properz Filelfo, who at least was used to reading acrostics of Petrarch's poems about Laura? Did he notice the Properz game? In any case, it is not easy to find something comparable among the Romans, and even more so among the ancient Greeks. Neither the fragments nor the epigrams of Callimachus provide fodder for leaping readers, nor does the Palatine Anthology.20 A possible example of leaping reading, but also outside the elegy, is the double ax (Πέλεκυς) of Simmias, where the single context ax on papyrus , but only the acrostic reading a double axe, i.e. reading the first letter of the second verse (and analogously after the first passage: "since it is now so in Asia", hat'ontos hood' Asiaa )21. Among the Romans such are elegiacs

16 17 18 19 20 21

Scaliger 1561: 69. Robortello 1548: 40. Cf. Milewska-Waźbińska 2013. See Didbin 1918: 147. Of course you lose a lot, but the yield is small: for example 5.73 (dins). Laurent 2015 refined this reading.

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Acrostics are a little more common, but in Sabinus22, Ovid23 or Tibull there is nothing as long as in Properz24. But even with Properz, linear readings are much more convincing than jumping readings. The passage in 3.1 is the only one in his corpus that, at 8 letters, not only goes well beyond the 4-letter average, but also provides a cross-reference to the text. In this respect it is a good candidate for discovery of this form by Propertius himself (in the sense of the second type) and since other types of acrostics can be found in other ancient authors, also provisionally the best ancient model for Filelfo.

Literature Barthes, Roland (1973). The text wish. Paris: Seille. Castelletti, Cristiano (2012). 'After Aratus' plough: Virgil's signature in the Aeneid.' – Museum Helveticum 69, 83-95. CORTASSA, Guido; Maltese, Enrico V. (ed.) (1997). Francesco Filelfo: De Psychagogia: Editio princeps dal Laurenziano 58. Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso. Didbin, Thomas Frognall (1918). Bibliotheca Spenceriana: or, A Descriptive Catalog of the Books Printed in the Library of John George Earl Spencer in the Fifteenth Century. Volume 4. London: Bulmer & Co. Fedeli, Paolo (1985). Propertius, The Third Book of Elegies. Bari: Adriatic. Kuttner-Homs, Stanislaus (2013). 'Nicétas Chôniates Autoletores: The Mechanisms of Internal Borrowing in the Work of a Byzantine High Scholar.'- Schedae, Previous Publication No. 1, p. 1-13 (https://www.unicaen.fr/puc/images/preprint0012013.pdf)

22

Hardly convincing in Aulo Sabino's response to Ovid's Epistle to Penelope is the Victa (VIQTA) in 73-81, a passage on the Trojan War. 23 In the Fasti Ovids, for example, a word of at least 4 letters occurs 7 times with erratic reading, 13 times with linear reading, that is, statistically it should occur once every 350-400 verses, so there is no difference between the types of reading. But skipping reading never finds a word at the beginning of this corpus, whereas the linear mode offers, for example, the keratogram Iane at the beginning of a unit, which starts from the nominative Ianus and was probably noticed by Ovid for the dual nature of this god there described if fits very well with the Arataian ambiguity of the keratogram. But keratograms are not as rare as you might think. In the Litterae ex ponto the selection of spring reading is greater, but the only acrostics associated with the text do not exceed four letters: I iousas 2.30, nunc ais sequi 7.23, nuas 8.59, II mihi 1.69, pauca (multis) 7.45, vane 8.3, nisu (vana laborantis) 9.23, nuat 9.53, IV fata 14.39. One can at most emphasize a certain obsession with the word vanus. 24 I noni 3.37, opes 18.25 II deus 18b.1 III masonides (Homerus) 1.19, spes 5.17, fine 13.25, fuit 15.3, unire 21.9, flave 25.7, IV oidas 2.21, spes 5.25, licia es atc lidia 8.59.

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Kuttner-Homs, Stanislaus (2016). The legacy of self-referential ancient literature in the work of Nicetas Chôniatès. Dissertation defended under the guidance of Corinne Jouanno (Craham), on December 6, 2016 at the University of Caen. Laurent, Maxime (2015). 'Listening to a Visual Poem: Interests and Paradoxes of a Recent Edition' (Kwapisz Review, J., The Greek Figure Poems, Leuven 2013). - Eos 102, 375-381. Milewska-Waźbińska, Barbara (2013). 'Waste of time or artistic expression? Notes on the poesis artificiosa of modern times.” – Kwapisz, January; Peter, David; Szymanski, Mikolaj (ed.), The Playing Muse. Riddles and Puns in Greek and Latin Poetry. (Contributions to Archaeology; 305.) Berlin: de Gruyter, 379-400. [To see. also 'effort in vain or expression of feeling? Remarks on the Model Poetry of Modern Times.” http://www.libraryofsymbolism.com/newsletters/5/Milewska_Toil%20in%20vain.pdf] Müller, Georg (1908). De Aischyli Supplicum tempore atque indole. Halle: Wischan & Burkhardt. Pontani, Filippomaria (ed., com.) (2002). Angeli Poliziani Liber epigrammatum Graecorum. Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura. Robotello, Francesco (1548). In librum Aristotelis De arte poetica explicationes. Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino (Torrentino). Scaliger, Julius Caesar (1561). Poética libri septem. [Lyon]: A. Vincentius. Steinrueck, Martin (2013). Ancient Forms: Materials on Catalog History, "Myth" and Dialogue. (Lexis. Supplementa; 67.) Amsterdam: Hakkert. Van Otterlo, Willem Anton Adolf (1944). Studies on the concept, application and origin of the composition of the Greek ring. (Mededeelingen of the Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks, Deel 7,3.) Amsterdam: Noord-hollandsche uitgevers maatschappij. Viro Reverend (1667). VIRO REVERENDO .... DN.SAMVELI ANDREAE, Dantiscano, Histor.& L.Gr.Prof.ordin..... Lyceo Herbornensi .... DN.LVCA GERNLERO SS.Theol.D.& Prof. Basel: Jakob confectioner Votive applause (1666). APLAUSO VOTIVI, VIRO ... DN.M. NICOLAO EGLINGERO, Basiliensi....da AMICIS. Basel: Jakob Decker. Wilamowitz-Möllendorf, Ulrich von (1914). Interpretations of Aeschylus. Berlin: Weidmann. Ziegler, Konrat (1927). 'Lycophro (8).' - Royal Encyclopedia of Classical Studies. 13.2 Stuttgart, 2316-2381.

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Appendix: Acrostics of Wettstein in: Viro Reverendo 1667. III. In the nine gifts of God, sinners show sand at this time. πορεε, κό Σε γε, κλέτε Ανερ! Y pesimedon voulito pater seten emiastron E ὑ25kleis in broteoi, ke mala lampetoon! Ἠ that you wear a temporal crown already worthy, Ἆ Thlon of your virtue, venerable ὼ; I am immortal, if so it seems to you Mennonites, that you wish to be realized as you have † the grace of God”26!

† ‫שמאל‬

Observantiae testif. Gratiam F. John Rodolfus Wettenius, Basil. S. Theol. Race. In: Applause Votivi, 1666: Virtue and education everywhere KYRIῼ NIKOLAῼ Tῼ EGLIGIRῼ ... IOANNIS RATHYLPHOS OUETTISTENIOS [...] KALLIO´PI. wreath of flowers EGLIGI´R, the sign of Jesus, – – –   –  –   ––– – sensible life, pammakar ἶ, Diagon! –  – – – –   –  – CLOSE. As a master he ties  –  –  – –  – – a bay leaf, save those who bear fruit! – –  – – –  – – –  –

25

The typographer received the order of preencher or spiritus asper that was missing no y of Υ ψιμέδων and, instead, changed the ὐ of Εὐκλεὲς for a ὑ? 26 ὄνομ' Corr.

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I LOVE YOU. G laukus einὶ δροτοῖς ᾖ eratoteron – – –   – –  –   Price knows the name Gottes! – – –  – –  –           ! –  –   – –   –  – MELPOME ́NI. Ἶ Ἶ Ἶ Ἶ aglaoῖs nikitaῖs, ἐξ ἐνάντιος Aegis –  –  – – – – – –  – – freira triumph, eὖhos, ὔχομαι, immetros a! – –  –  –  – – – – – TERPSICHO. G aiῃ ἠELIOU ἐϕ' he cried – – ––  –  – –, until Heaven saw you! – – –   –  – – – ERGEBNIS. G aeis ῦν δαφνῃ, aretῆsi kekasmene, many; – – – – – – –   –  Our name is in – – –  – –  – –  – –  – –  – – I don't know Panṭ bioio You are so stupid –   – – –  –  –   –  Terpikeraunos Ὄlvia phaedrῷ! –  –  –  – – OTHER OR. –  – –   – –  Akron, to Heaven! –  – – – –  These Muses are the Golden Land of the Hearers –  – – –   –  – – Actually a simple man –  – – –   –  –  They inherited and bring a journey to the world · –  – – –  – –  ALWAYS HAPPY! –   –  

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Abstract When you find acrostics in a poem, you are usually faced with methodological problems. However, Filelfo's Greek elegiac epigrams and Sapphic stanzas make it easier to find arguments for accepting these letterplays as part of the text. Some of them will be presented and an argument for their authenticity will be developed. The presentation is introduced by an acrostic by Propertius, which is ignored by classical scholarship, and accompanied by two acrostic poems by Rudolf Wettstein, which also represent this tradition.

METRIC "ERRORS" IN THE GREEK EPIGRAMS OF ANGELO POLIZIANO Martin Steinrück When the wise say it's a measure! It rained a lot Pulitianus, I'll pick up these epics where he left off, noum and neither did he show himself through Plajas te Posi, Fascon or things like that. Turns out he played.

What I first heard about Poliziano was that he made mistakes in timing and accent. Certainly Ardizzoni corrects both several times in his edition, but Pontani is more conservative and, as I will try to show, perhaps rightly, Tauriscus' Pergamum, it owes to errors which Tauriscus' competitors in Alexandria considered errors. At the level of method, normative thinking can be helpful, but when a poet and scholar makes mistakes, we must examine the possibility that some of them were intentional.2 There is no overinterpretation in the analysis of form: we can only make the interaction of repeated elements and to build an argument for one explanation or another. Here metric, polysemy and lexical repetition work hand in hand. The interpretation of paratexts in invidum (as in Epigr. I below) is somewhat misleading: the task of interpretation falls to the reader. What follows is an analysis of Poliziano's possible intentional metric errors and other special uses of the meter, along with the transcription of each epigram.

1

Ardizzoni 1951 and Pontani 2002. The text is presented from Janika Päll's transcription of the Aldine edition (Poliziano 1498). We consulted the Ardizzoni and Pontani editions. two

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epigr. 1: 1471. etatis meae anno 17. in invidum quendam. Ὦ Friend, be happy, you say when I'm sitting at home, – /– /  –/  –  –   – – –   –   –/ –   –   – You don't want me to be jealous, you don't even kiss me –  –   – – –   –  –  And because that means joy for two. – – (– ) – – –   –    If you are saved happy, you are lost – – – – – – – – –  – – So I tell you, friend, be happy. –   – / – –   –   

0p3 0 1p6 2 4p2468 0

epigr. 1:1471, in my 17th year. Against an envious man. My friend, "khaire" you say when I go to your house, but the word you offer cannot deceive me: you are jealous and you don't want me to be happy, nor does your friend, because that "khaire" means two things: it means to be welcome and to get lost. So I say to you, my friend: "Khaire" a lot.

The polysemy of the word χαῖρε is a common enough subject, and I would like to add just one text to the list that commentators seem to have missed. This play on words may have been inspired by the 27th epigram of Callimachus and his false friendship with the Lepton of Aratos (Fr.27 Pfeiffer/D'Alessio).4

3

The first Arabic number (for example, 0) indicates the number of contractions from two short to one long syllable per line, p indicates a pentemeric caesura after the 5th element; k represents the kata triton trokhaion caesura (i.e. a short syllable at the end of the word after the penthemimers), the number behind the type of caesura indicates the locations of contraction. The surface scheme of this verse with marked places is as follows: Caesuras: p(enthemimere), k(ata triton trokhaion), h(efthemimeres) l: Leo's Diaeresis –  –  – p kl – h   –   – × position 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 p4 = hexameter with a pentemimetic caesura and one “long” syllable (–) instead of two “short” () syllables in the fourth digit. 4 See d'Alessio 1996 (more complete than the classic edition, Pfeiffer 1949). I also present here a German translation: The song and form are Hesiod's, he has not the last singer, but perhaps the most pleasant verse, the son of Soloi has been traced. And so I salute you, beautiful phrases, sleepless nocturnal torment of Aratos.

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From Hesiod is the song and the form. but I fear that Soloi's son did not imitate the last aoid, but the most beautiful verses. And so "khaire", beautiful words, a sign of Aratos' sleepless nights.

As in the Callimachus text, χαῖρε means welcome and good deliverance. Poliziano studied for some time the surviving works of the Hellenistic poet and probably understood the double semantic structure of his epigrams. But again we find many other possible sources in Pontani's commentary. At the metric level, the initial numbers on the right side of the verse indicate positions of long syllables rather than two short syllables, and their increasing number, 001240, is quite consistent with semantic progress. From my academic youth I have been accustomed to the question whether this was intentional or not, always outside the point of literary analysis, but indelibly: all I could and can offer in response is the relatively odd use of the Homeric preposition ποτί instead of that Attic πρός: both fit the semantic and metric calculations, but only ποτί gives the first stanza a pure holodactyl rhythm. A second thought was triggered by the echo between the first and last word φίλε χαῖρε. Normally, this would mean that the rest of the text also forms a circular composition.5 However, there is no abcba structure. So this echo could have another function. The solution may come from the strange Greek syntax of verse 1: ὅτε σὸν ποτὶ δῶμα καθήκω (translated: when I come to your house). In Byzantine aesthetics, in the hynic tradition of Romanos Melodist, perhaps inspired by Arabic tradition, larger metric units, something like stanzas (or epigrams), are called iki, or in Arabic bajt, the house. Theodore Prodromos, Glycas and Malakas use this image, which is not far from the Italian word stanza. than stars. The ending, about a poet who never sleeps, is both a reference to a rather laborious conception of the 'good' and a reference to Aratos' acrostic lepte, which forms a waning moon and proves that its author works at night. 5 On ring composition, a repeating figure “found” by G. Müller (1908) and adopted by German scholars as ring composition in the 1920s, there is an extensive bibliography in Steinrück 1997, eg Van Otterlo 1944 , Lohmann 1970. 6 Cf. Steinrück 2013: 484ff.

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leave it, forced to say the same word, more, as we learn, with the meaning of adeus. The rhythm of the final pentameter cannot be spontaneous, because the second column of the pentameter always7 has its short-circuit doublets. Thus, Poliziano can be used or opening holodactyl hexameter as a non-final rhythmic echo. No play of repeated elements, metric, polysemia and lexical repetition work by given hands. Let us pass on to the first metrical error found in the seventh epigram. Ioannes Battista Bonisegni (Giambattista Buoninsegni, 1478-1510?)8 is the addressee of this text. There are erotic nuances in the quotations9 used here and in two other Giambattista epigrams. epigr. 7: 18. aetatis anno. ad eudem. Ὦ πόποι ὅσσον ἔγωγε σὲ μείζονα ἠὲ πέπεισμαι πλῆρές τοι μουσῶν τὸ στόμα καὶ χαρίτων Καὶ σοὶ ἄρ’ αὐτομάτως κροτάφους περιέδραμε δάφνη βριθομένη πετάλοις ἄνθεα λευκὰ χέει

0k 2 0p 0

But when I found your steps, I became waves, earth, wind, sun, feet, wings. Oh, when I sweeten you, full of ostrich, like oxen eating fish, I see blood smeared here and there on the ground, the skies, a flock of papayas playing with each other, Gounate, comet, who is a friend, around to keep you away lo for leaving your friend like that

1p 1 0p7 0 1p7 8 (also) 1 1p6 2

Andri ater ge philou dnoferi the ἠὼs rise bitter 4 the shadows, pas 4 the life death. Without them there would be no immortals, no immortals.

1p8 1 3p246 1

7 8 9

Lembro-me barely of an excesses in Kochanowski's neo-Latin verse. See Maier 1966: 146. In particular AR, Argonautica 1.1260-1270 (episode of Hylas).

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epigr. 7: At eighteen. At the same [Giambattista Buoninsegni] Oh, oh, how much greater you are than I thought, the mouths of the Muses and the Graces are full of you. And the bay that surrounds it passes spontaneously, laden with leaves and scattering white flowers. But where can I find your footsteps chasing you, on the waves, on land, in the air? By ship, on foot, with wings? Sweet passion always draws me to you and I run hither and thither like cows that graze in the forest, putting my nose to the ground and pricking my ears, searching with my eyes and wandering with my feet. My knees are tired as I follow you, wanderer, where you, my beloved, flee from your beloved. Without a loved one, a dark morning will come, the honeycomb will be bitter, all life a death. Without her, I don't want to be immortal, not even the ruler of the immortals.

At the core of this epigram seems to be a metric error: in τὰ δ' οὔατ', the ears, ie 'hearing', as in a metaphor for reading.10 This τά is an open syllable with a short vowel, ie, short syllable in a position, where two short syllables or one long syllable is expected. However, this is not one of the mistakes you would normally make when composing Greek hexameters or heroic verse like B. a false accent in support of an iktus based on a Medieval, Byzantine or Latin-influenced rhythm. This is an error that any reader can see, and as a matter of method we must at least look for a function of this error before correcting the text in τὰ δὲ οὔατ' (as the passionate Ardizzoni does) and condemning Poliziano to a pause, which even so he had learned to avoid it, as we can see from other texts. Also τὼ δ' οὔατ', the dual that we could propose,11 would still not provide the counterproof when understanding error as virtue. Now a classical scholar and poet used the same joke as Catullus and Horace: Nietzsche, in the Dionysian dithyramb The Sun Sets, breaks the metric feet when he says that the real feet are exhausted:12

10

See the first stanza by Gregory Nazianzus, Virtue of the Iambos De virtute (Crimi C. ed. Kertsch M. vert. Guireau app., Sulla virtù: carme giambico (Is. 2,1905), = Carmina moralia page 680, line 9 ), but the expression is already found in Seneca's letters (for example, 6.5). 11 Pointed out as artificial by Pontani 2002: 30. 12 Cf. Groddeck 1991.

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323

Joy, golden, come! you, the most secret and sweet anticipation of death! – Did I run too fast? Only now, when the foot is tired, does your gaze reach me,

This is exactly what happens in Poliziano's first distich of the second half: Ῥῖνα μὲν εγλινον πὶ ῆν, τὰ d' οὔat' æiron, ὄὰ d' οὔat' æiron, seek and lift my eyes, earth and lift ßün füm mine.

Now, this playful "swerving with the feet" in verse 10 gives a possible function for the error in the 4th foot of verse 9, and so we should print τά δ'. It may be coincidental to some, myself included but not others, that the acrostic composed of the initials of the hexameters is ὮΚἈ and ἈῬΓἈ, the first word meaning something like "quickly" in Homer, while the other is an adverb "slowly" in Byzantine Greek. Epigram number 9 in Poliziano's liber epigrammatum graecorum contains no actual errors, but shows that he is dealing with various extreme forms of archaic heroic verse. epigr. 9: 18. status year. προσευχὴ πρὸς τὸν θεόν. 1 2 3 4 5

O Father, golden etheric Throne of all things, the King of all things, the ethereal God who is everywhere, ever-seeing, ever-moving, ever-possessing, Ancient of all time, beginning and end. Cobblestone floors and celestial stars

6 You, father of the wind, shine brightly and of the moon, 7 you made the fountains and the rivers, the earth and the waters. 9 Ye Celestial Chthonians and Ascended Ones 10 All Subchthonians do your work 11 Now do not weep in your creation for you are lost 12 Hapless Earth god 13 Algon, let him wail and cry tears

S. 6 S. 2 7 4 8 S. 68 S. 6

enoplis meiouros? tripertitus lagaros?

k7 8 p 68 P2 68 p p 6 k24 p 10 7 2468

Azephalus

lagaros?

Enoplio Espondeiazon

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14 Eh d' age moi litomai pater aphite ἵlaos ἴσθι p holodactyl 15 KἾ ἀμεθεν δὴ κόσμος thelxinooio ἔροτα 0 46 Aphrodisias h /cf. Leo the philosopher 16 Demon of deceit and infidelity in the morning Folodactyl 17 See, I am not a candle to the spirit of rain p 18 May you only be dry with crayons. P 6 10 espondeiazon Epigr. 9: In my 18th year. A prayer to God. O our Father enthroned in gold, who dwell in the highest heavens, O King of all, immortal God, all ethereal, who sees all and moves all, and is Lord of all, who is older than time and beginning and the end of everything. The soil of the saints and the splendor of the heavenly bodies, You, Father, who created the great sun and the bright moon And the fountains and rivers and the land and the sea, You filled everything with Your Spirit, creating all life: The celestial and the terrestrial , and those who work below, all those who are in the underworld do his bidding. Now I call you here, your creation fallen to the ground, an unhappy, short-lived, oh my God, earthly man, grieving for the sins I committed against you and shedding tears. So let me pray, O Immortal Father, to be kind and cast out from me the love of the tempting world and the deceits of the evil devil and evil impudence. Fill my heart with the indescribable rush of your spirit so that I always love only you, the supreme master.

This prayer to God is very revealing of the meaning of the meter in Poliziano's texts, since since the Fathers of the Church, but especially in Neoplatonic Christianity, the only way to speak of God is οἰκονομία, form, and not simply semantics.13 The three parts The poems, introduced by invocations of the Father, speak of the plurality of creation and, for the first time in this collection, provide the reader and addressee with all the special nuances that the Altomeric meter reserves. There is the Meiuros (V.2– – – – –   ×14), the Acephalus (V.6  – – – – – × ), and perhaps what can be understood as lagaros, “a wasp”15 (vv.3 and 5– – – – – – ×), at a point in v.3 wo Poliziano

13 14 15

See Klock 1987. Instead of Poliziano's model αἰθέριε Ζεῦ em Meleager (AP 9.453.1). Lagaros is a verse with short syllable in 6th position.

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seems to make a very common mistake16 in interpreting the iota of κινῶν as a short vowel, the word being comic or philosophical rather than Homeric. Any introduction to Homeric meter would mention the spondeiazon, and there it is (verses 12 and 18– – – – ––– ×), along with a holodactyl (verses 14 and 16) and an enoplius (vv 1, 10).17 In v.15 the prayer does not go beyond οὐσία, but from the desire of ὄντα, that is, the world. Neoplatonism has no explanation for this world other than lack of purity, and so we find here a kind of hexameter that ancient metrics do not usually mention, in contrast to Leoninus, which is common in Imperial and Byzantine texts.18 It is certainly one. false consequence of a rhythmic musical reinterpretation of Homeric verse in the fifth century BC. B.C. to a tone hexameters first mentioned by Herodotus, a verse with six straight measures, the fingers or dactyloi. The caesura then seems to be the touch of the finger of God. The plurality of creation thus represented by different, even marginal, forms of hexameters (almost different, but still recognized as hexameters) as part of creation is consistent with the request for forgiveness in the last lines. The first and last lines of the middle section (V.7 and V.13) have heftemimeric caesuras. In most of his epigrams, Polizianus marks the boundaries of his units or, as he says in the first epigram, of his houses with a special caesura, usually the most Greek form of the trochaic caesura (kata triton trochaion, k). The next epigram is dedicated to Gioviano Crasso of Monopoli. epigr. 10: 18. Anno ad Iuuanum Monopoliten. Τὶ στάχυας Δήμητρι, τὶ κύματα δοῦν ἐθελείς με Πρωτεῖ ποντοπόρῳ Νυκτελίῳ τε βότρυν Σὺ μόνος ἐκ γλώττης γλυκερὸν μέλι, σὺ μόνος αὐδήν Ἀμβροσίην στόματος ἐκ λιγυροῖο χέεις Τὴν μὲν καὶ σκόπελοι καὶ οὔρεα μάκρ’ ἐφέπονται Ὡς πόκα θρηικίης ἄμβροτον ἆσμα λύρης

16

k4 1 p4 0 p6 0

Eg: Ant. Greek. apartment epigr. admonish. 101.24. Steinrück 2007. 18 A verse without a classical caesura, but with a diaeresis after the third dactyl, theorized not only by Irigoin but also by Alexander of Aphrodisias and used by Leo the Philosopher in the 9th century. See Irigo in 2009. 17

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O Lord of Heaven, I was named after the Roman god Homer.

p 0 p 0

Σὸν γὰρ νεκταρέοιο γάλακτος λαιμὸν ἐπλήρουν Ἐννέα δὴ θύγατρες Μνημοσύνης καὶ Διός Αὐτόματος δὲ τεὴν περιπέπταται ἀμφὶ ἔθειραν Κισσὸς τηλεθάων ἄνθεα πολλὰ χέων Ὦ μάκαρ, ἀθανάτοισι βροτῶν ὦ φίλτατε πάντων Χρυσοκόμων θεράπων ὄλβιε Πιερίδων Ὦ χαῖρ’ ἱηρὴ19 κεφαλὴ λιγύφωνος ἀοιδέ Τήρει δ’ ἡμέτερον αἰὲν ἔρωτα φίλος.

k2 8 0 p 1 k7 8 0 p2 1

epigr. 10: At 18, Gioviano Crasso of Monopoli. Why do you want me to give grain to Demeter, why wave to Proteus who goes to sea, or the bunch of grapes to Dionysus Nyktelios? You are the only one who pours the sweet honey from your tongue, the only one who pours the ambrosian voice from the clear and resonant mouth, followed by cliffs and great mountains, as once followed the immortal song of the Thracian lyre player. If swift and woolly Hermes gave me the name to bring divine Homer to the Romans, you have the name of the great divine king to remain ruler in wisdom. They filled your throat with the milk of nectar, the nine daughters of Mnemosyne and Zeus, And around your neck a lush ivy spontaneously spreads, spreading many flowers, O Blessed One, most beloved of the immortals among all mortals, the servants the golden-haired Pieridesthe rich; Welcome holy head, singer of clear and vibrant voice, and always keep our love as a friend.

There are real errors at the prosodic level in this epigram, such as the short (but occasionally possible) "α" in πάσῃ and the now familiar Byzantine usage

19

Because of ἱερη [∪∪–] meters.

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von kai als kurze Sylbe. Mas no Lyrischen Papyri kommt manchmal das Dorische Krzel „a“ vor, und wir können diesen Fall nicht als wirklichen Fehler betrachten, sondern als Gebrauch von Poliziano.20 Anders verhält es sich im Epigramm Nummer 11 des Liber. Epigr. 11: 19. AEtatis anno. Ad Io. Argyropula. Doris. 1 Ὅσσον διψάων ἔλαφος κράνᾳ μελανύδρῳ ἅδεται· ὅσσον ὄις θέρεος μέσω, εὐσκίῳ ἄλσει Ὅσσον ἅλω μάρμαξ, ὅσσον κάποισι μέλισσα ὅσσον δένδρεω τέττιγες, ὅσσον δ' ἁ ὀλολυγών Ὅσσον δ' ἁ λαλιά τε χελιδονὶς εἴαρι πράτω τόσσον νῦν πάντες μουσάων εὔφρανθεν ὁπαδοί Χἅμμες δ' ἐν vor der Ankündigung des Todes des heiligen Hauptes Argyropoules, des Weisen21

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Here I am, a bird with golden wings and fine hair, looking like a harpy, chasing away all the mothers of wisdom who are immortal.

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Cause now we're wrong

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15 Whom you find blindly docile, I am upright in life, and am relieved of the burden of Andromean madness, 22 scalded many times and thrown into my hand, take me now for father, amen, leader, a torch of unruly hypotheticals, Apsen

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20 But why don't you hurry, why don't you obey? Everyone has a common audience where you are closed to the eternal sun.

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20

5

10

See for Polizianos use of a, i, y as ancipitia in Pontani 2002: CXXV. Z.B. Christopher, Ant. Greece 2.1.17: Width of echinouën Aristotle, sophists promos; Vgl. it pulls. Epigram Demonstrativo, 336.3: ὐὐ οπλοις κρατεων σοφις προμος ἔπλετο μαρτις and reference to Greek Anthologies, Oracle 120.23. 22 ∪∪— for ∪——. 21

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25 Even if I were a white stone and had asthma, my heart would be worth anything if I opened my face to a pretty face

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epigr. 11: At 19, for Johannes Argyropoulos As much as a thirsty deer delights in a dark, deep well; so much the lamb is a shady grove in summer; As much as the ant loves the garden, so much the bee loves an orchard; As much as the cicadas rejoice in a tree, as the nightingale And the garrule swallow the first days of spring - As much rejoiced all the pursuers of the muses And we among the first, when the return of your holy head was announced, Argyropoulos, the knight of wisdom. And it is said that never did anyone wish for it as much as Phineas wished for the golden-winged sons of Boreas to drive the harpies away. So much do we now all together seek immortal wisdom, and so we yearn to banish the mist and swirls from our eyes, because now, alas, we have erred in suspicious paths, and, like the blind, we cannot find the way to escape the well-curved path. . from the righteous life and the abyss And the thunderous tumult of human recklessness; Only if you, our Father, take us by the hand and guide us now, having kindled the fire of infallible advice. But why don't you hurry to come? Why aren't you listening? All of us together, with united voices, we always pray for you to come while the babies cry and call for the nanny. I melt now in my hopes for all like a bubbling torrent as the sun withers. Indeed, this day will be worth much to me the white stone and the song when I see you return, your beloved face.

A prosody error occurs in the middle of this text, written for the venerable professor Argyropoulos, where we would expect the former student to check and double-check every syllable. But here too the "slip" can be found in a context that speaks of madness, perhaps reminiscent of Plato's middle section.

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Parmenides: the Varathron ἀνοίας23 (when it is not ἀγνοίας), a metaphor reflecting the Knight of Knowledge at the end of the first part (σοφίας προμος). What follows is a single short circuit in polyphloisvon te, which would produce a lagaros, error or a very rare form, whereas with polyphloisvon te and scanning ἀνοίας as - we would have a regular hexameter. Does Poliziano want the old master to see the joke and try to get an answer out of him? Another metric error that is not a matter of syllabic quantity is found in the number 18: Epigr. 18: To Cornelius Iambic You call me "I am what I write to you Cornelius", but you call me "I am a boaz, the wind does not blow words with horns, but you call it a boaz"24 the boaz refuses to hare a bold wolf.

–  – –– – – – – – – –  – – – – –– –

–  – – – – – – –! –– –    – –/ ––

 – –   – – – –– – –– – –– – – –

epigr. 18: To Cornelius, iambic. You say, Cornelius, that the words I am writing to you are not mine, yet you still call me a singer. So you'll also say that cows don't naturally have horns, but you'll still call cows cows. These things you said, though you haven't written a meter yet, So the slow-footed donkey denies that the deer is swift and the hare that the wolf is wild.

Of course, from a metrical point of view, there is nothing iambic in these lines - neither in the Greek sense of archaic iambeia, nor in the sense of classical or Hellenistic trimeters - but these lines could be Roman senars, with the exception of the third foot, line 5 , where the text mentions the absence of Metrons speaks of rhythm (You said this while you are not yet writing meters). Of course, the characterization as iambic never meant that a text should be written in trimeters or iambic, iambicity is a matter of discourse, of audience.25 23 24 25

Cf. Plato, Parmenides 130d 7, βυθὸν φλυαρίας. Both are possible here: an omitted σ or reading tonicity for a long syllable. See Steinrück 2000, Seinrück

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The iambograph invoked here is Catullus. The joke about oxen with or without horns is based on the etymology of the recipient's name Cornelius, as well as the historian to whom Catullus's booklet is dedicated.26 The joke about the feet, and therefore the metrical Cornelius, is naturally based on the cognomen of Cornelius Nepos, interpreted as the Homeric epithet of the seals, nepos, who has no feet,27 understood here as the one who has no metric. The case of epigram number 23 is similar. epigr. 23. Erotic gifts Two loves separate me, I submit to two children, may they be happy, may they be aphrodisiacs Drimæs that devours me, I will see a virgin Ikelos in the eyes of the one who breathes gentle love Someone like me is merciless, but I like him, I conquer no other calli and mercy both, no one will subdue them, Cyprus; what do you want to do with me, burn them with a burning flame.

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Epigram 23: Love Epigram. In Doric. Double eros hurts me, I melt for two boys, equally brilliant, equally fascinating. One is relentless and penetrating, and the other looks like a virgin, both inspire gentle loves. The long hair of one is black as violet and falls from the head, the other shakes the blond curls. Most of the time they are nothing alike, but they are alike in parsimony, none of them wins in beauty or grace. It is not possible, Kypris, to pay homage to both, so advise me which of these two flames to bear.

This epigram testifies that Poliziano read Eunapios of Sardis! The theme of Eros and Anteros, two demons, which he may have correctly understood as an image of justice (ἶσον, ἶσον, ὁμῶς) or, in the context of the epigrams, as the antithesis of philosophy and rhetoric, begins with statues in the 16th century. Athens of the century what

26 27

Who should I present a nice new bill to? / Dir Cornelius (Catullus 1). Compare Od.4.404: amphi de min fokai nepodes.

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Pausanias 1.30.1 tells us about this.28 The subject then passes through references to Euripides, Kercidas of Megalopolis, the images of Philostratus, Themistios 24, but the detail of the hair comes from Eunapios's chapter on the philosopher Iamblichus (VPS 5.2 5–6). Once again, the image of justice could be a pretext to talk about other boys, especially since the paratext announces a text in Doric dialect that – except for some forms such as ὑποτάκομαι and μαλακώς – is not true: ἴκελος, usually with a short iota , is the ionic form of εἴκελος that would fit in the metre, and we can find this variant also in other epigrams. Therefore, it is not an error.29 But if 'Dorian' already had this connotation, as later in E. Bethe's The Doric Boy Love, or in Oscar Wilde's The Portrait of Dorian Gray,30 Poliziano found another cliché. of ambiguity. There is, of course, a quote from the Cratilian etymology of Eros as ἐς-ρεῖν. sex with one on the one hand and like a storm, or what Americans call care, on the other hand the Roman Cure. ', i.e. ὑποτελεῖν), which once again indicated the seat of Poliziano according to an "ethical metric": three shorts do not fit under the one-meter yoke, it is impossible to pay homage. Example:

28

See Steinrück 2012. There are some other examples of possible errors: ι of Aphrodite is for the most part long and really does not fit into a pentameter, but there is at least one possible reading for ι short in Anth.Graec. apartment 128.2 ( Ἑρμᾶς Ἀφροδίτᾳ πάρεδρος· λλὰ χαίρετε) and perhaps we can forgive Epaphroditus' slavery. He also treats alpha as short, embora be different in one of his possible teacher texts: Anth.Graec. 9.40.12: καμον κάρανον, καμον ρρόσωπον. See Pontani 2002: cxxv for the treatment of ai and u as ancipites by Poliziano and other humanists. 30 Bethe 1907. On Poliziano’s homosexuality, see references in Pontani 2002: 105–106. 31 Cratyle 420b2. 32 Cf. for example Virgil Aeneid 4.1: willow cures. 33 Pontani 2002: cvi acha strangers Poliziano's grammatical errors and does not rule out the possibility of Aldus's spelling error. 29

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The next epigram is our last example from the first part of the book. epigr. 35: At Cothornon. He thought about it too: you were always a good and good citizen in Athens, you were an Attic cohornon, a foreigner.

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Epigram 35: To Kothornos. Also improvised. There once was a good citizen in beautiful Athens, whom you, Xenophon of Attica, call Kothornos (high boot). He became suitable for both aristocrats and demos. Therefore, he was sent to his death by Critias.

The story is found in Xenophon's Hellenica 2.3.30. The joke is wrong: καλος has a long α, as here in Homer, but not in the Attic dialect. The word πολίτης ('citizen') has a long ι, but it only fits in the numerator with a short ι. However, it could have a short i if we read it as a name, a short form of Poliziano. Could you indicate that this word designates not only Theramenes, but also Poliziano, who is also caught between Medici and the people? In the second part of the book there are almost no metric errors, only the last one, number 57, contains an incorrect error. epigr. 47: 1493 For conifers; Conifer was probably a man who, like Cypris, bore fruit from the waters, imitating the aerial love of Eros; Heresy of the wings, for the blood-obsessed, the king of the moon, the mighty defender of the planet of mighty men, in these many breasts camphafondo all aspects of a woman, attentive eaters Scotoderkeas, with the exception of the male ossage Konopas, bears marks of love .

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epigr. 47: For mosquitoes. Mosquitoes are to be loved more than men, for they, like Cypris, are created from fertile waters, and imitate Eros, who flies in the air, with the oars of his wings and drinking blood, singing the song of wandering revelers, who awakens the women and transmits wonderful songs that deceive sleep that fall into their beds and often themselves on their breasts and go around touching every part of the body of women who spend reckless sleepless nights that they see in the dark. Is there a man who can show more signs of Eros than mosquitoes?

The source of an error in v.3 is that Poliziano thought that ἀερσιπότητον came from ἀήρ, ar, but it is actually one syllable long. *** Our first conclusion, then, is that not all metric errors are based on a false presumption of correctness, but there are some errors that Poliziano could have corrected if he wanted to. These appear in the semantic context of errors and thus allow a youthful game with the knowledge of their readers. However, this is just one conclusion that can be drawn from the metric and accentuated analysis of the entire Liber, and I would like to add an observation that is the result of my observation that there are accentuated false errors in Poliziano as well (not discussed here). ). Let's face it: Greek as a discipline was, at least in the 19th and 20th centuries, and seems in the Quattrocento as well, a hotbed of gay discourse. Gay or not, Welcker, Bethe, Winckelmann, Winkler, and many classical scholars I'd rather not mention, could speak more freely about homosexuality within an ancient Greek framework than outside it. Even transgender discourse can use this code, as the film Some Like It Hot connected 1920s Chicago to the legend of Daphne Apollo. semi-secret Greek code where the scam came from: from straight men, the word arsenic being derived from ἄρσην, "masculine". Italian gay sites claim Poliziano's Latin, but also Greek, poems as their own heritage and, of course, heterosexual sites try to relativize them. Homosexuality doesn't have to be exclusive: there are epigrams about 34-year-old Alessandra Scala

Think of the moment before stepping onto the train, when Geraldine suddenly announces, "I'm Daphne!"

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Poliziano ending with a clear invitation to have sex with him, dating from the same period when Pico and Poliziano are considered a couple. When Gianbattista writes to him not to expect a reply in Greek, it does not mean that he cannot reply, even if Poliziano interprets the warning that way (for Buoninsegni is famous for his Greek poetry). It was a way of saying that he was not interested in this "Orphic" double discourse, only the humanist side. In a discourse whose ability to harbor a second level of meaning was more expected than established, where a reader, always Hellenistic, could choose between seeing an error as a mere error or doubting it and reading something into it, accent and metric errors can have this double function. Some of the examples have been presented here.

Bibliography I. Poliziano old books (1498) = All works by Angelo Politiani. Venice: Aldus 1498.

II. Modern Works D'Alessio, Giovan Battista (1996). Callimaco, Aitia, Giambi and other cadres. Milan: Rizzoli. Ardizzoni, Anthos (ed., vert.) (1951). Poliziano, Epigrammi greci. Firenze: La nuova Italia. Bethe, Erich (1907). 'The Doric Boy Love.' - Rheinisches Museum 62, 438–475. Groddeck, Wolfram (1991). Friedrich Nietzsche, "Dionysus dithyrambs" II Berlin: de Gruyter. Irigoin, Jean (2009). Le poete grec au travail. Paris: Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. Klock, Christoph (1987). Studies on style and rhythm in Gregorio de Nyssa. A contribution to the rhetorical understanding of the Greek priests. (Contributions to Classical Philology; 173.) Frankfurt am Main: Athenaeum. Lohmann, Dieter (1970). The composition of speeches in the Iliad. (Investigations into ancient literature and history; 6.) Berlin: de Gruyter. Muller, Georg (1908). De Aeschyli Supplicum tempore atque indole. Halle: Wischan and Burkhardt. Pfeiffer, Rudolf (1949). Callimachus, Fragmenta I. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Pontani, Filippomaria (ed., com.) (2002). Angelo Poliziano, Liber epigrammatum graecorum. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura. Steinrueck, Martin (1997). 'The annular structure: le fragmento d'un discours et sa bibliographie.' - Chronozones 3, 60-73.

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Steinrueck, Martin (2000). Iambos. Studies on the audience of a genre. (Spudasmata; 79.) Hildesheim, Zurich, New York: Olms. Steinrueck, Martin (2007). A quoi sert la metrique? Literary interpretation and analysis of Greek metric forms: an introduction. With the collaboration of Alessandra Lukinovich. Grenoble: Millions. Steinrueck, Martin (2009). The New Iambos. Studies on the forms of a Greek discourse in Hellenism and in the imperial period. (Spudasmata; 124.) Hildesheim, Zurich, New York: Olms. Steinrueck, Martin (2012). ‘Love and love in return (Eunap, VS 5.1.4, 5.2.2–5.2.7 and 6.8.3 ff.)’ – Volt, Ivo; Päll, Janika (eds.), Quattuor Lustra. Papers celebrating the 20th anniversary of the re-establishment of classical studies at the University of Tartu. (Acta Societatis Morgensternianae; 4–5.) Tartu: Tartu University Press, 127–135. Steinrueck, Martin (2013). Ancient Forms: Materials on Catalog History, "Myth" and Dialogue. (Lexis. Supplementa; 67.) Amsterdam: Hakkert. Van Otterlo, Willem Anton Adolf (1944). Studies on the concept, application and origin of the composition of the Greek ring. (Mededeelingen of the Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks, Deel 7,3.) Amsterdam: Noord-hollandsche uitgevers maatschappij.

Abstract There are many metric errors in Poliziano's Greek epigrams that seem to be related to what the text says: "to make a mistake with your feet", "since you don't write the meter", etc. done is a mimetic figure, a joke, a proof of metrical knowledge and not of ignorance.

IMITATION OF THE CARMINA MORALIA OF SAINT GREGORY OF NAZIANCE IN THE GREEK POETRY OF THE 16TH CENTURY LITHUANIA1 Tomas Veteikis

Introduction Saint Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. 329–390), his name and ideas first appeared in Lithuania no later than the 16th century (though possibly earlier)2 and spread to schools, churches, libraries and printing houses. This general statement can be derived from my doctoral thesis defended almost 10 years ago (Vilnius, June 18, 2004), which discussed the place of the Greek language in the educational system of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) and whose study initiated the local production of literature written in writing in the Renaissance humanistic variant of ancient Greek

1

The article is based on the paper presented at the international conference “HUMGRAECA: Humanist Greek in Early Modern Europe. Learned communities between ancient and contemporary culture”, Tartu 2014, 8-10. It could. 2 This is the subject of some future discussion, but in view of the current state of our knowledge, which could be derived from indirect evidence of the veneration of this saint in the area of ​​the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (hereinafter GDL) inhabited by Orthodox Slavs and in Adjoining Moscovia, the date of reception of St. Gregory of Nazianzus in Lithuania must be delayed by at least 200 years. For a discussion of Gregory's reception in Russian-speaking countries, see in particular the article in the Russian Orthodox Encyclopedia (Православная Энциклопедия): http://www.pravenc.ru/text/166811.html. The same article hints at the cult of these saints in Ukraine by mentioning the important mosaic image of the saints in Kyiv (in Saint Sophia Cathedral), part of which belonged to the GDL in the 16th century (not around the early period of rule). Lithuanian to mention, since 14. 3 Cf Veteikis 2004. The dissertation is written entirely in Lithuanian and only a few copies are available in Lithuanian libraries preparing all previous material together with new knowledge for a new publication that would be more readily available.

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An essential remark must be added: the reception of this important Christian theologian in Lithuania alone has not yet been investigated (my dissertation also did not deal with this topic and is therefore of little use for the present discussion); Data on this subject has not yet been collected from various sporadic articles on Greek patristics and various cultural aspects of 16th century Lithuania. Their number in Lithuanian is modest,4 while research material in other languages ​​is not satisfactorily available at the time of this writing, nor given the lack of bibliographic data identifying the key themes of the article (i.e. Greek Patrology and Humanism). in Lithuania) characteristic of the present work. This means that this work can claim originality in the topic chosen for examination, but not breadth of analysis and discussion. Who was Gregory of Nazianzus at the time and what makes him important to Lithuania? The answer to the first half of the question is found in the brief biography and description of the works of this Christian writer in Appendix 1 of this treatise. The importance of this saint to early Central and Eastern European history depends less on the degree of his veneration than on how intensively the impact of his writings on our education has been researched. Nowadays in Lithuania there is really no popular or special worship of him, but his influence on our culture through various spheres of religious life and religious education, especially in the previous several centuries, about which we have more evidence, is a topic interesting. for him study that basically remained untouched until now. This work can also be seen as a kind of introduction to such a study.

Education in Lithuania and Saint Gregory of Nazianzus During the 16th century, the education system in Lithuania was just beginning to take shape, but (thanks to constant interdenominational tensions) the process was fast enough that, by the end of the 1570s, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) acquired the first center of higher learning, the Vilnius Jesuit Academy and University, which was reorganized (1579) from the old college (Collegium Vilnense Societatis Jesu, 1570–1578). This academy made a significant contribution to the growing network of Jesuit colleges across the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and became an important link that inspired so much

4

The modest Lithuanian contribution to the study of Saint Gregory Nazianzus is represented by these recent works: Gelumbeckaitė 2006: 245, Gelumbeckaitė 2009: 68, Alekna 2012.

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interdenominational competition and interinstitutional cooperation (for example, members of other religious and educational organizations studied and worked there, such as the Diocesan Seminary of Vilnius, founded in 1582, or the Pontifical Seminary, founded in 1583). At the end of the century, the evangelical and orthodox part of the population of the Duchy of Lithuania founded their own schools with secondary education, as so often happened with the support of influential noble families, characterized by confessional diversity and mutability5. Educational competition also included the radical currents of the Reformation (for example, the antitrinitarians had their schools in Vija/Yvija, Naugardukas, Węgrów and their printing houses in Węgrów, later in Łosk),6 while the western “front” of the Catholic Church The Reformation was the last decade of the 15th century was reinforced by Eastern Rite Catholics (Ruthenians) called Uniates and Basilian monks, who spread their influence widely in the following century.7 Gregory of Nazianzus (his theological, rhetorical and poetic legacy) was in this context not insignificant. of these educational processes. Works by him (though not all at once) were widely printed in Europe from the beginning of the century8, and Latin translations followed almost simultaneously9. Prior to the founding of the University of Vilnius, printed editions and Latin translations of his works were in the private book collections of various members of the Lithuanian community.

5

For an overview of educational processes in Lithuania, reference can be made to various Lithuanian books, firstly the collection of articles covering different periods up to the end of the 20th century (see Karčiauskienė, Lukšienė 1983) and an insightful study by Juozas Jurginis and Ingė Lukšaitė in 1981. Many useful observations in this area are made by Marcelinas Ročka (1912–1983) in her numerous articles and in the posthumous collection of her works (Ročka 2002). Romanas Plečkaitis (2012) provides a slightly more up-to-date rethinking of this issue. A good review in English is the article by J.A. Račkauskas (1976). Among the most recent studies dealing with the formation of the Lithuanian Orthodox community, I would like to cite the article by Darius Baronas (2012), with a well-founded critical approach to previous historiography. 6 A very good overview of the educational system of the 16th century Lithuanian Evangelical Church and its branches can be found in several chapters of the book by Ingė Lukšaitė (1999). 7 The most authoritative institution providing Uniate education and preparing them for missionary work was the Collegium Graecum in Rome. Although the Vilnius Papal Alumnate (and the Vilnius Jesuit Academy) were also designed to perform similar tasks, we do not have substantial evidence that Uniates studied there before the beginning of the 17th century. See Artūras Grickevičius (2008: 128–129). For an overview of the current state of research on various aspects of the Union of Brest and its cultural significance, see the contribution by Mintautas Čiurinskas (2007). 8 VD 16 alone lists 77 different editions of his works (G3019–3095). 9 Among the first translators of the works of St. Gregor met important European teachers such as Raffaello Maffei (Raphael Volaterranus), Willibald Pirckheimer (Bilibaldus Pircheymer), Peter Schade (Petrus Mosellanus), Johann Heussgen (Joannes Oecolampadius), Philipp Schwarzerd (Philippus Melanchthon), Jacques de Billy de Prunay (Jacobus Billius Prunaeus ), etc.

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nobility and possibly also in some church schools and monasteries10. It is known that at least two book collections with works by Gregory of Nazianzus were created after the death of their owners (1510–1570)11 and the Lithuanian-Polish ruler Sigismund Augustus (1520–1572)12 printed on the territory of the GDL , but certain traces of increasing attention to this author can be observed in at least two notable publications in neighboring Poland, namely, Duo gedichtata Gregorii Nazianzeni (Cracow, 1565), edited by the polymath Stanislaus Grzepski (1524-1570),13 and Sententiae et Regulae vitae, ex Gregorii Nazianzeni scriptis collectae (Kraków, 1578) (János Zsámboky, 1531–1584) and translated into Latin by Joannes Novacius (Nowacki).14 Gregory of Nazianzus was important not only for the study of Greek, but also for religious purposes, as a leading authority on Christian theology and ethics. Based on sporadic discussions by Lithuanian and (albeit limited) foreign scholars, we can say that this theologian was a very important reference source in

10

The resumption of the importance of monastic libraries after the Council of Trent can be illustrated by popular sayings of the time, such as the following: “A monastery without books is like a city without riches, a castle without walls, a kitchen without furniture, a table without food, a garden without herbs, a meadow without flowers, a tree without leaves" (Vladimirowas 1970: 96, as well as Löffler 1922: 7). in the Vilnius University Library (catalog number II 1753): DIVI GREGORII || THEOLOGISTS, THE WORKS OF THE NAZIANZEN BISHOP, || which in fact exist, all as loose as a pedestrian's prayer || written, in part long ago time, partly now for the first time also è Grêco in || She spoke Latin. || [...] BASILEE, PER IOAN-||nor Heruagium, Anno M.D.L. 12 More details about these collections of books can be found in the following studies by Lithuanian and Polish researchers: Pace vičius 2012: 174–204 (esp. 183–186 ca the book collection of George Albinius); Kawecka-Gryczowa 1988 (esp. p. 193 in St. Gregory Nazianzen editions); Brensztejn 1925; Narbutienė 2001: 138–152. 13 Two poems by the theologian Gregory Nazianzen, one on the virtue of man, the other on the ways of life and the vanity of things at the time. Scholijs explained by M. Stanislaus Grepsius of the Cracouien Academy. Teacher. Andreas Lazarus of Krakow printed. 1565. Quoted in: Estreicher 1910: 71. 14 Full title see online edition: http://www.dbc.wroc.pl/dlibra/docmetadata?id=8045&fr om=publication. The Basel edition of 1567 (Divi Gregorii Nazanzeni [sic!] [...] Greek quaedam et sancta Carmina: Cum Latin Ioannis Langi Silesijinterprete [...] [from colophon: Basileae, Ex Officina Ioannis Oporini [... ] M. D. 67. Month of March], present in the Vilnius University Library (catalog number: VUB II 3979), is also noteworthy: Gregory's collection of moral verses is arranged in such a way that every student can understand Greek and Latin Write and capture the main idea that comes before each Greek verse (or couplet) in a short phrase or rule (such as "The beginning of a good ending is good").

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interconfessional struggle: his soteriological thoughts, explanations of the theology of the Trinity and moral admonitions were quoted by Catholic, Lutheran and Calvinist15 authors in their letters, disputes, sermons and even in the first Lithuanian postillas, mainly the so-called Postille von Wolfenbüttel, a collection of manuscripts from sermons written in Prussia in 1573 by an unknown Lithuanian Lutheran priest,16 and in the first Lithuanian Catholic postil of 1599, edited by the Samogitian chapter canon, Mikalojus Daukša (Nicolaus Daugsza, 1527–1613). 17 More details about these examples can be found in Appendix 2. Another observation can be added to these examples, although not yet confirmed by substantial evidence: that Gregory of Nazianzus was quoted in the first religious books printed in Old Slavonic written for Orthodox congregations of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, particularly in the Didactic Gospel (Evangelije uchitelnoje).18 An indirect argument supporting this view can be found in Ivan Jakshin's recent doctoral thesis (2012), which mentions the Cappadocian theologian as one of the numerous manuscript sources didactic gospel translated from Slavic Greek in the fourteenth century.19 Finally, it is worth mentioning that Gregory of Nazianzus enjoyed universal authority among all Christians who accepted the doctrine of the sacred

fifteen

Among the studies showing the influence of St. Gregory of Nazianzus on various sixteenth-century Christian communities and leaders, see in particular Meijering 1983 (esp. 59–64); Salon 2014; McGinness 1995:16-17; Backus 2000:253-278. 16 The latest excellently annotated edition of this book is WP 2008. 17 The latest facsimile edition of a photocopy: Daukša 2000 (ed. Palionis). 18 Lithuania had two notable editions of this work in the 16th century: 1) the 1569 edition in Zabludiv/Zabłudów, printing works by Ivan Fyodorov and Pyotr Mstistlavets; 2) 1595 edition in the Vilnius printing house, Lukas and Kuzma Mamonichi 19 Cf. “For the first time we discovered other sources of EU doctrine – it was found that the author, in writing this collection, used not only explanatory texts, but also many other works of Christian writers. He cited verbatim not only John Chrysostom's conversations on the gospels, but also his theological and didactic discourses. He also used the writings of other famous theologians: Basil the Great, Gregory the Theologian, and Gregory of Nyssa.” Jakshin 2012: 15. It is worth noting that at the beginning of the original didactic gospel there was a prayer in the form of an alphabetical acrostic, and that poetry of St. Gregory of Nazianzus is considered the main source of inspiration for such poems. More information about this Old Slavic verse is available online at the following address: http://www.pravenc.ru/text/82713.html (Turilov 2008: 332) (“A. m. is written in 12 meter connection, with caesura after the 5th syllable.

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Trinity (Catholic, Orthodox, Evangelical),20 but its veneration in the Slavic-speaking Orthodox environment long preceded the Western tradition.

St. Gregory Nazianzus and Vilnius University: A Collection for George Chodkiewicz Pope Gregory XIII. (Ugo Boncompagni, 1502–1585) and the Jesuits paid special attention to Gregorio de Nazianzo. Pope Gregory XIII was a patron of the Society of Jesus, who not only founded many new colleges across Europe (and his Bull of October 29, 1579 confirmed the founding of the Vilnius Jesuit Academy), but was also the initiator of another notable event. : in his At o Behest, on 11 June 1580, he transferred the relics of Gregorio Nazianzo from the church of Santa Maria della Concezione in Campo Marzio to the new funerary chapel of Pope Gregory XIII, the Cappella Gregoriana in Saint Peter's Basilica (built in 1572–1579).21 The same Pope ordered Cesare Baronio to write a Latin biography of St. Gregory of Nazianzus.22 These facts made the bishop of Cappadocia increasingly well known to the leading Christian intellectuals of the time. Furthermore, his writings were highly prized by leading Jesuit educators and theologians and incorporated into their teaching system, as evidenced by excerpts from the rulebook for university professors, Ratio studiorum, 23 (see example 3.3 in Appendix 3). It should be noted that the canon of recommended authors in Jesuit colleges was established only after the third edition (Rome 1599). Before that, each college had its specificities. Vilnius College's different study plans testify to this

20

See below the information on the commemoration of this saint, attached to this work, under the heading “Commemorative Dates”. Still in the 21st century, Saint Gregory of Nazianzus is an important figure in the dialogue between the Western and Eastern Churches. On November 27, 2004, during a prayer service in St. Peter's Basilica, Pope John Paul II bestowed part of the relics of St. Gregory Nazianzus and St. John Chrysostom (the two fourth-century Doctors of the Church). Ecumenical Orthodox Patriarch Bartholomew I of Constantinople. The Pope declared this act "a blessed opportunity to cleanse our wounded memory and strengthen our path towards reconciliation" (http://www.fsspx.org/en/a_translationof-the-relics-of-st-john-chrysostom-and - saint-gregory-nazianzen-to-constantinople); see also the Lithuanian commentary on this event in Buika 2005. 21 This event was continued in some Italian literary descriptions by Giovanni Bernardino Rastelli (Perugia 1580) and Fortunio Lelio (Venice 1585). See Schraven 2014: 153, note 98. 22 See Guazzelli 2012: 57, note 11. 23 The first edition appeared in Rome in 1586, the second in 1591 and the third in 1599, which became an example for all Jesuit provinces.

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inherited from the academic years 1570/71 and 1583/84.24 Both did not have St. Gregory of Nazianzus in their syllabi (but he is present in several descriptions of later seventeenth-century courses).25 In fact, it was the 1591 edition of the Ratio studiorum. , which the Eastern Church Fathers introduced as an important part of the Jesuit curriculum.26 Around the same time, St. Gregory Nazianzen received notable attention from Antonio Possevino (1533–1611) in his influential Bibliotheca selecta, first published in 1593, and was frequently mentioned by Robert Bellarmine (Roberto Bellarmine, 1542–1621) in his Disputationes de controversiis Christianae fidei (first edition 1581–1593) (see examples no. 3.1. and 3.2.). It is also interesting to note that both Possevino and Bellarmine contributed significantly to the debate over the authenticity of the tragedy or tragiccentos (composition of several lines from Euripidean dramas) Christos Paschōn, popular in their time and generally attributed to Gregory of Nazianzus. 27 In this context, it is perhaps no accident that around this time we find the works of Saint Gregory Nazianzen being read at the Jesuit Academy in Vilnius and his phrases imitated in occasional student literature. When I was writing my doctoral thesis, I noticed that some commemorative texts written by Vilnius University students reproduce the phrases and maxims of the Greek Church Fathers. This feature is particularly pronounced in the collection Parentalia in obitum Illustris et Magnifici Domini D. Georgii Chodkievicii Generalis Capitanei Samogitiae etc. etc. (Vilnae 1595, see illustration in

24

For these lesson plans, see Piechnik 1984:206–215. Helpful commentary on the first timetable and the entire first public catalog of Vilnius College can be found in Beall 2009:2–18. 25 For more, see Piechnik 1983: 269–280. 26 The preliminary drafts of the Ratio studiorum published in 1586 and 1591, which were distributed and revised to all Jesuit provinces, led to changes in the organization of studies at the Vilnius College and Academy. However, this could not be seen directly in concrete lesson plans (which unfortunately have not survived to our days), but indirectly and mainly in printed editions of collections of literary congratulations and consolations for various occasions; Examples of Greek poetry in these collections show the richness of the canon of Greek authors with whom the students were familiar during their school exercises (lexical and phraseological analysis of these poems shows that Homer and the Greek fathers - that is, the authors who were not the prescribed in the earlier plans of the Vilnius Jesuit College/Academy for the years 1570 and 1583 - were not unknown to the academic poet-composers of the last decade of the 16th century). According to L. Piechnik, the list of canonical authors such as Isocrates, Demosthenes, Xenophon, Homer, Pindar, Euripides, Sophocles was only introduced into the curriculum of the Jesuit College with the project Ratio studiorum published in 1591 (Piechnik 1984: 86) . 27 See Appendix 3.2. and the note on it. The question of authenticity remains open to this day, but a close study of André Tuilier's manuscripts (1969: 75–116) provides the basis for the skeptical opinion that currently prevails.

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pg. 344), dedicated to the commemoration of the death of George Chodkiewicz (Jurgis Chodkevičius, 1570–1595), the elder of Samogitia (since 1590) and head of the Supreme Court of Lithuania (i.e. marshal), who died young (a year after his death). marriage).28 The collection includes polyglot and multi-ethnic authors: the poems are written in three languages ​​– most in Latin, some in Greek and Polish; students are not only Lithuanian, Polish or Ruthenian, but also from other parts of Europe, e.g. from Sweden, England, Germany or Moscow. This fact implies that the University of Vilnius (or Vilnius Jesuit Academy, as it was commonly called since 1579) was an attractive place for students of different denominations (usually various Catholic converts and neophytes). Although at the end of the century all foreigners were normally members of the Pontifical Seminary of Vilnius, founded in 1583 (officially opened in 1585), they attended academic courses at the University of Vilnius,29 and it was precisely the educators and in general that the pious and inspiring environment from Vilnius Catholic University that the study and imitation of Greco-Roman classics and Christian literature in the GDL gained considerable popularity. In other words, whatever the actual position of the authors (novices or members of the Jesuit Order, lay residents of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or foreign converts, members of the Pontifical Seminary), they were all closely related to Vilnius University and can with much security for your students to be called. They had different national backgrounds that were not always clearly identifiable.

28 The basic dates of his life: George Chodkiewicz (Jurgis Chodkevičius, Юрый Хадкевіч, Jerzy Chodkiewicz, 1570–1595), son of Trakai castellan George Chodkiewicz (one of three sons of Alexander Chodkiewicz, owner of estates in three different areas) and Sofija Slucka -Olelkaitė (Zofia Olelkowicz Słucka 1536–1571). He was of Ruthenian origin and belonged to the Supraslic branch of the Chodkiewicz family (his main residence was in Supraśl; modern Supraśl is in the Polish Voivodeship of Podlaskie). He was a count and courtier of the Grand Duke of Lithuania. From March 31, 1588 he held the office of Great Sculptor of Lithuania (LDK raikytojas, krajczy), from February 12, 1590 that of Elder of Samogitia and from 1594 that of President of the Supreme Court of Lithuania ( i.e. Marshal). It seems that he was raised as an Orthodox by his parents, but later (probably while studying at the Jesuit Academy in Vilnius) became a Catholic. In 1594 he married Sofija Radvilaitė (Zofia Radziwiłł (Dorohostajska),? – 1614). The wedding feast was celebrated by members of the Vilnius Jesuit Academy. Sadly, their life together was short lived and their only child (Mikalojus Chodkevičius, Mikołaj Chodkiewicz) died in infancy. George Chodkiewicz died on October 26, 1595 in Berastavica (Вялікая Бераставіца, Brzostowica Wielka). He was buried in the church of the Orthodox Supraśl Monastery (Ławra Supraska or Monaster Zwiastowania Przenajświętszej Bogurodzicy i św. Jana Teologa w Supraślu). Cf. Józef Jasnowski (1937, 369) 29 For this information and many other details about the papal seminary (also known as papal alumni) see Grickevičius 2008, especially 109-113 (on the geographic origin of alumni) and 123ff.

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Frontispiece to the Descent into Death of the Famous and Great Lord George Chodkiewicz, Captain-General of Samogitia, etc. etc. [...] (Vilnius 1595). A digital microfilm copy from the Vilnius University Library (Mf.156).

The same applies to the authors of the above-mentioned collection of funeral poems, who wrote poems in Greek: since we have almost no historical or biographical data about these people, it is currently very difficult to say whether any of them came from Lithuania correctly. What the book associates with Lithuania are references to the city of Vilnius and its academy, the common Latin name for Lithuanians ("Lithavi"), and their western group of Samogitians (Lith. "žemaičiai", lat. "Samogitarum gens"). , famous noble families of Lithuania – the Chodkiewiczes (Lith. Chodkevičiai) and the Radziwills (Lith. Radvilos). One of

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they – George Chodkiewicz – are honored on his death (died October 1595), the others are mentioned as mourners of his death, recipients of consolation verses (the collection is dedicated to Hieronymus Chodkiewicz, castellan of Vilnius, brother of the deceased) and as guardians of Lithuania who deserve God's grace. Lithuanian realities are hardly recognizable in the Greek epigrams of this collection.

References to St. Gregory in individual poems Who imitates Gregory Nazianzo in the collection discussed here and how? At least six of the nine Greek poems contain obvious signs of imitation of Gregory Nazianzo. The number is not exact, however, as there may be some cases of latent imitation among others as well (about which a brief comment is made below). Each of these poems is presented with Latin author names and short titles (or in some cases with exhortations instead of titles) in Greek: Φυγὴ καὶ Ἔρως by Ioannes Florentius; Pottery of Hieronymus Grabowski; Price of Valentinus Skrobaczewski; Ἐπωνυμικόν by Simon Wloscius (or Wloski); The scriptures of Nicolaus Zaleski (cf. Mt 25, 13, 1) de Nicolaus Zaleski; Printed by Adam Zerdenski. Most of the authors are of no historical importance, but they were all probably (as the title page of the collection indicates) affiliated with Sodalitas Parthenica Academiae Vilnensis (active since 1586), a particular group of adherents who formed a network of Congregations of the Holy Virgin Maria (Congregatio Mariana, congregations of its sodalites B. Mariae Virginis), founded in 1563 by the Belgian Jesuit father Jean Leunis (1532-1584) and in 1584 by Pope Gregory XIII. was ratified in his "Omnipotentis Dei" (December 5, 1584). The first congregations in and around Lithuania emerged not long after the establishment of the first faculties in the Polish-Lithuanian Community in the 1570s . . . . different meanings of seu nome, but em geral all these short poems are quite

30

All this information can be gleaned from various sporadic articles in religious encyclopedias (eg Catholic Encyclopedia) and online histories of Lithuanian and Polish religious brotherhoods (cf. one of them: http://www.ogrodowa.pl/sodalicja_marianska/historia_soadalicji_ marianskiej_w_polsce/ ) .

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neutral (not to say simply frigid), and a religious, philosophical, ethical-didactic tone is much stronger in them, based on popular themes of the epidemic (such as Laudatio - Comploratio - Consolatio)31 decorated with various rhetorical devices, such as antithesis, questions rhetorical, similes, or various types of iterations. I will repeat these poems in the order they appear in the collection, for the texts see Appendices 4 and 5. The poem Ἐπωνυμικόν by Simon Wloscius von Strzelna (see Appendix 4a) makes an etymological connection between the name George Chodkiewicz and the Greek word meaning “ husbandman" and promises the deceased a distinguished position of husbandman of the heavenly land or true fatherland, ζώντων γαῖα - "the land of the living," so called in allusion to Psalm 141 142), 6 (referring to the homeland32 of the Hebrews during their Babylonian captivity); In addition, the poem predicts the meeting of the deceased with St. George (his patron saint by name). Therefore, his name will be glorified twice and even three times. The poem has two parallel pentameter lines, in which even the last five words echo unchanged: ἐκεῖ τ᾽ ἔμπρεπον [= ἐμπρέπον] οὔνομ᾽ ἐχεῖς [= ἔχεις [= ἔχεις])] ("one and you (want) one famous name. ") It is the last three words - ἐμπρέπον οὔνομ᾽ ἔχεις - which lead us to suspect that the poet is here following the particular couplet of Gregory's Carmina moralia (PG 37, I, 2, 915, 1–2) about the impermanence of the body and the longevity of reputation: Gregory's pair of verses also ends in three similar words – δεξιὸν οὔνομ' ἔχειν, with the difference that they express the predicate ἐξοδίη τιμή (“the final honor”) and form a generalization (or maxim) meaning that the ultimate honor is to have a good name; Meanwhile, Simon Wloscius has applied this phrase to the specific case - to create an exaggerated exaggeration of George Chodkiewicz. Hieronymus Grabowski's poem (ΑAppendix 4b) is based, as its contradictory name suggests (Τυφλὸς ὁρῶν – “blind yet seeing”), on the paradox of blindness and sight. The young poet playfully contrasts the imaginary appearance and behavior of the personified Death, Thanatos, borrowed from antiquity: Death is like the Grim Reaper (a personified fairy tale character), without eyes; It does, however, have accuracy or precision - a characteristic particularly associated with vision. Death (in a rant to her) is defined as all-encompassing, reaching out to everyone, be it a king or a shepherd, rich or

31

See Zablocki 1965: 15–16; Jurgelėnaitė 1998: 24–25. See John Chrysostom's commentary on Psalm 141: In the Land of the Living. The land of the living calls this home home. (PG 55, 445, 3-4). 32

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Poor. On the other hand, the poem still preserves the motif of death's spontaneity: if it doesn't see it, it sweeps away everyone who passes its way, without counting or selecting, that is, without precision. Gregory's imitation here is mostly indirect, probably borrowing a phrase from a line from his poem (PG 37, I, 2, 912, 5 [Γνῶμαι δίστιχοι, 19]33) to form the title of the new creation. The Cappadocian theologian's verse, however, is not about death personified, but about an ordinary man who is blind yet sees, even if he does not see the destructive power of his own evil; however, it is the task of the piercing gaze to look for traces of the beast or evil personified (Ἴχνια μαστεύειν θηρός, ἄκρων φαέων).34 In his five elegiac couplets, Nicolaus Zaleski (Appendix 4c) develops the motifs of life's memento mori—the unpredictability of fate. After addressing a general speech to a (nameless) man, the poet (lyrical hero) gives advice to be vigilant, live for today, not hope for tomorrow, and in the middle (i.e. the third) couplet he gives the motivation for such behavior using a popular paraphrase of the proverb attributed (among others) to Aristotle or Dionysius Thrax35: | Ὥρα τε πολλὰ μόνη ἀέκοντι φέρει. After Zaleski has repeated in the fourth couplet the idea found in Seneca's works about the unexpectedness of death (cf. Sen. Ep. 4, 2-4), Zaleski ends the poem (vv. 9-10) with Gregorio's paraphrase from Nazianzus' iambic couplet containing the metaphor of life as a constantly turning wheel (cf. PG 37, I, 2, 787, [19], 1–2). The number of words and morphemes from the original poem used for this paraphrase is impressive (8 out of 11), but even more

33

Every poem by Gregory Nazianzus in the Caillau-Migne edition (1862), i. and. in PG 37 it has its own title but lacks consecutive line numbering; That's why I use square brackets when I refer to these two important attributes of any poetic work. 34 Cf. the commentary of Cyrus Nicetas (of Dadybra), translated into Latin by Iacobus Billius Prunaeus (Jacques of Billy Prunay) and quoted in D. Gregorii Nazianzeni [...] Some pamphlets [...] and large, partly illustrated from from the commentaries of Cyrus Dadybrensis Bishop [...] Paris, AD 75 [=1575], p. 205: "Who Sets the Beast Wild" It is the keenest of eyes to follow the tracks of the beast. I. following the devil's thoughts with intellectual eyes, i.e. the compressed course of vice is the beginning of progress towards virtue". 35 Cf. Aristotle, Fragmenta varies, 8, 44, fr. 188 pp. Prov. (coll. Milleri 2, 96: Mel. p. 368). See Dionysius Thrax, fragments, fr. 36 a–c: a. Σ Hom. χ 9 , Zen V 71, cf. E M. 365, 22 : πολλὰ μεταξὺ κύλικος 36 "Many falls between the cup and the upper lip" Cf. its English equivalent: "There are many slips between the cup and the lip" .

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such is the grace of its implementation and semantic expansion of the metaphor of ever-changing life. The poem of a young Swede, Ioannes Florentius (also known as Ioannes Florentii Stockholmiensis), a student of the Pontifical Seminaries of Braunsberg (Braniewo) and Vilnius and future long-term professor at the University of Vilnius (1605-1630)37 (Appendix 4d), contrasts the worldly and decaying world (κόσμος οὐλόμενος) with the heavenly life (ζωὴ οὐρανία), declaring that the disastrous and ruinous world is loved or blamed by many, but few care to break with it. Through rhetorical questions, the poem articulates the idea that when life on earth gets serious no passion ever grips the human soul, so everyone should keep the name of death in mind without fearing it as harmful. The poem closes with an invitation to set sail towards the divine life. Here Joannes Florentius takes up Gregory of Nazianzus' metaphor and expresses it in very similar terms. In his quatrain (Appendix 4e), Valentinus Skrobaczewski paraphrases the metaphysical ideas of the transience of the human body and the eternal cycle of life, rising from the earth and returning to the earth - a popular topos of Christian liturgy and the ancient epidemic. The second couplet sounds like a warning from a series of memento mori topoi (“μνώεο Μοίρας”). In this small poem, sentences from Gregory's poems are easy to recognize, but they are adapted to different contexts. For example, the second half of the first pentameter αὐτίκα δυσομένη ('which will soon sink/plung') has only a single correspondence in the entire corpus of TLG - the end of line 2 (also pentameter) of the general title of the 31st poem Γνῶμαι δίστιχοι , from the collection of moral poems by Gregório Nazianzo, d. H. PG 37, I, 2, 910, 13 (see Appendix 4e for more details). But Gregory creates a metaphor of a man as a ship crossing the sea of ​​life, reminding readers that too heavy a ship will quickly sink (in other words, he advises a man to get naked - or not through material burdens). with things – plowing the sea of ​​life), while Skrobaczewski draws the image of (mother) earth, which will soon sink (αὐτίκα δυσομένη) all bodies in itself. Also the subsequent lines of Gregory's poem (PG 37, I, 2, 911, 1–2 [Γνῶμαι δίστιχοι, 3–4]) have striking similarities with Skrobaczewski's poem and leave little doubt as to its use as a model (p. For details, see Appendix 4e). In his quatrain (Appendix 4f), Adam Zerdenski talks again about vigilance, diligence, and anticipation of what will happen in the end. The second couplet basically repeats the essence of countless maxims that express this

37

For more details on this "Swedish papal scholar", see Garstein 1992:250 and 320.

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different effects of good and bad beginnings (cf. Latin motto "bonum initium est dimidium facti"). It is the last pentameter that most clearly indicates imitation of the first line of the two gnomic dystics of St. Gregory of Nazianzo, written in iambic trimeters. See Zerdenski, v. 4: “τῆς δὲ ἀαλῆς καὶ τέλος ἐστὶ καλόν” e pg 37, i, 2, 916, 1–2: “ἀρχῆς καλῆς κάαναλιζέν εἶέν εἶέν εἶέον Ὀρθῶς δοκοῦσιν οἱ ὅροι τῶν πραγμάτων”. Nazianzo. Neles, like our poems here briefly discussed, has common motifs characteristic of the funeral poetry of the classical (Greco-Roman) and Judaeo-Christian traditions (e.g., Psalms), raising the possibility of a direct influence of the Cappadocian poet's nuvens . Por exemplo, o poema de Albertus Krzekotowski intitulado Ἀρετὴ μόνη τῶν κτημάτων ἀθάνατον ἀθάνατον ἀθάνατον é uma reminiscência à primeira vista da declaração de Isócrates de seu discurso popular Ad Demonicum (19), mas se assemelha ao estilo de justaposição terrena de máximas repreensivas e bens divinos , even a simple list of nouns denoting transitional values, which is often characteristic of the poetry of St. Gregory Nazianzeno (see Appendix 5).

Sources for the poems of St. Gregory Nazianzen Among the possible sources from which the poems of St. Gregory Nazianzen derive are, above all, the printed editions of the theologian's poems, based on the Aldine publication of 1504 (Gregorii Nazanzeni Carmina, cum versione latina).39 Next comes the oldest edition that strives for completeness (i.e. 38

Cf. Joannes Chrysostomus, In epistulam ad Ephesios (homiliae 1-24), vol. 62, p. 149: "For if a thing holds the beginning and hypothesis good and strong and worldly, then everything goes according to law and very easily". One of the titles of the verse-by-verse commentaries (Catenae) on the New Testament contains a phrase that sounds similar: "From a Good Beginning to a Good End." (Catena in epistulam ad Hebraeos (and cod. Paris. Coislin. 204)). Other examples relating to the non-Christian context include a fragment of opposite meaning attributed to Euripides ("a bad beginning makes a bad ending", Euripides, fr.32:1; Joannes Stobaeus, Anthologium, 3.4.11.2 ) and a commentary from Scholiast in Pindar's 1st Pythian Ode ("For a house is a house, and it is fitting that he who begins from the beginning of good should tend to this and a glorious end", Scholia In Pindarum, Ode P 1.34, Scholion 67, s.v. " House House"). 39 The abbreviated titles in this section of my work are (unless otherwise indicated in the footnotes) taken from Hoffmann 1833: 311–321.

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contains ἅπαντα εὑρισκόμενα) from 1550 (edited and published in Basel by Johann Herwagen, 1497–1559), perhaps the largest source of Greek texts printed by Gregory the Theologian during the entire century.40 Of the last edition only one copy survives in Lithuania, kept at the Kaunas County Public Library (KCPL)41 with an inscription of provenance showing that its first place of storage was the Bernhardin monastery of Kretinga, founded by the noble Chodkevičiai (Chodkiewicz) family,42 but this does not mean that until the At the end of the 16th century, there was no copy at the University of Vilnius (or in the hands of its academic staff, especially students of the Chodkevičiai family). It just means that none of the above edits can be excluded from our hypothetical list of potential fonts used by Lithuanian students. this saint. According to the bibliography of Samuel F. W. Hoffmann and VD 16, Gregory's collection of moral poetry was first published separately around the year 155044 and the more popular collections of maxims from Basel and Antwerp soon appeared.45 The popularity of this type of poetry, like 40

Only at the beginning of the 17th century did the most complete compilation of the Greek works of this saint appear with Latin translations (in 2 volumes) compiled by James de Billy de Prunay, Sancti Gregorii Nazianzeni, cognomento theologi, opera. He never primarily edited the Greek and Latin conjunction [...] Lutetiae Parisiorum [Paris]: Typis Regiis, apud Claudium Morellum, 1609–1611 (cf. Hoffmann 1833: 311). 41 Catalog number: RS R 47729. 42 For this provenance inscription (namely: “Georgius Czieklinski curauit et pro loco Cretingensi deputauit Oretur pro eo”) and its relationship to Chodkevičiai, see Lūžys 2009: 37–3 the Latin edition of Opera by Gregory Nazianz omnia as mentioned above (see note 11) or the edition by Hans Lewenklav (Johannes Leunclavius, 1541–1594) (Basel 1571) (cf. VD 16 G3023) could not be cited as primary sources in this discussion as the do not contain the Greek text. 44 An example of a composite bilingual edition in which the maxims (γνῶμαι) of Gregorio Nazianzus are included (perhaps for the first time) in a larger printed collection containing moral instructions from various authors: ΕΠΙΤΟΜΗ || ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΥ ΡΙΘΑΥΜΗΡΟΥ ΠΕΡΙ || ΤΩΝ ΤΚΤΥ ΛΟΓΟΥ ΜΕ=||ΡΩΝ, ΚΑΙ ΣΧΗΜΑΤΙΣ=||ΜΟΥ ΤΩΝ ΜΡΟΩΝ.|| Doctors, snowflakes, snowmobiles, snowflakes || ἀλφαβήτου, ἰαμβικόν.|| Χρυσᾶ ἔπη τοῦ Πυθαγόρου. Εἰσαγωγικός. || COMPENDIVM GEORGII RIT=||haymer in eight-part movements and contains=||for formations.|| Gregorian theological propositions, according to the order || literarum, clauses singulae singulis Iambicis. || Carmina aurea Pythagorae.|| ... ||(Vienna Pannoniae per Ioannẽ Singreniũ, twenty-||fifth of April, Anno ... ses=||quimillesimo sixty-fourth.||) [Vienna: Singriener, Johann the Elder, 1524] (VD G 3087 ; VD16 R 2517). 45, for example, Gregory Naz. Sententiarum spiritium libelli III. Greece and Latin. Basil. 1561; Gregor Nazianz. Graeca quaedam et sancta carmina, with Latin interpretation Io. Langi, Schlesien and the Silesian poems aliquot Christiana. Basil. by I. Oporinum 1561; or Sententiae et regulae vitae, ex Gregorii Nazianzeni scriptis collectae, Greece; just a little, Greece, never Prime Studio Editor Ioannis Sambuci. Antierpiae, Christoph. Plantino 1568.

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already mentioned earlier in this essay, the two Cracow editions also testify.46 The poems discussed raise many questions that need to be answered in the future. Just a brief remark on the question why the Carmina moralia of Gregory Nazianzus in particular was imitated in the Greek epigrams of the Vilnius Academy publication of 1595. Presumably also because they are important models for the education of pious and prudent young Christians of different denominations and because they were chosen by the professor of rhetoric and/or poetics at the time for poetic exercises.47 Contemporary theories of Jesuit education:48 In the years 1593 and In 1594 appeared the first publications of two new separate treatises on the subject - Tractatio de Poesi et Picturaethnica , Humana et fabulous collata cum vera,honera et sacra (Lyon 1593) by Antonio Possevino, an important work of the post-Tridentine church program (part of his famous Bibliotheca selecta de ratione studiorum, which “as if it were a bibliographic informant and assistant dealing with antiquity”49 and Poeticarum Institutionum libri tres (Ingolstadt 1594) by Jacob Spanmüller (Iacobu s Pontanus, 1542–1626). the former recommended the imitation of Christian authors, for which Saint Gregory of Nazianzus does not draw attention Apply The latter taught at length the principles of composition of various types of poems, easily adaptable to the student's practice, and the occasional writing of verses. On the other hand, some political and religious motives may have encouraged the increased attention given to St. Gregory. As we can deduce from the factual information in the issue of Funeral Poems discussed, the authority of the Cappadocian saint was recognized in a diverse denominational environment

46

See notes 13 and 14 and the discussion above. Cf. the Ratio studiorum instructions addressed to teachers of rhetoric and poetics (see Annex 3, paragraph 3.3). Even the imitation of this theologian in advanced classes (by students and professors of philosophy and theology) is not an impossible phenomenon (for example, in the form of collaboration with his younger colleagues, the members of Sodalitas Parthenica), it prevents me from going far - Achieve claims in this regard. 48 The double or triple use and purpose of São Paulo's moral poetry. Gregory of Nazianzus is well defined in the title of a rare edition (VD 16 G3084): Which summarizes theological writing, omnia theologis ipsis cognoscenda sint, || dubium esse nemini potest.” 49 Nedzinskaitė 2012:

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to which the Chodkevičiai (Chodkiewicz) belonged,50 while, as we know from historical sources, Lithuania was experiencing the height of the Church Union debate at that time.51 Catholic Christians, in dealing with the members of the diverse confessional society of the GLD, may have served as symbolic authority.

Conclusion All that has been said so far about the imitation of the moral poetry of St. Gregory of Nazianzus in Lithuania is little more than a blueprint for future research. The reception of this great Byzantine theologian and poet in Lithuania requires further investigation after a critical reassessment of the collected data. And yet, after reviewing the references and imitation facts cited above, I am much more confident (than a decade earlier) in saying that the literary legacy of St. the interest of intellectuals, politicians, representatives of educational and religious services in our country; Verses from him, recalling Christian ethical principles (which resemble the Greco-Roman tradition), were attractive material for study, creative imitation and publication.

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50

His family was originally associated with the Orthodox community, but George Chodkiewicz, the recipient of the discussed poems, was a Catholic convert. 51 representatives from the Orthodox metropolitan region of Kyiv (and Lithuania) talked to Pope Clement VIII in Rome in 1595 about the union and signed the law on 23 December; The latter was announced at Brest in 1596, although in practice from the outset it led to the GDL Orthodox Church splitting into two opposing camps, Uniate and Disunite. For a concise description of these events, see, inter alia, Kloczowski 2000: 116–118.

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Gelumbeckaitė, Jolanta (2009). "The Sermon Book of Wolfenbüttel (1573) as an anthology of the oldest Lithuanian translations by authors of the Classical, Medieval and Renaissance periods." 66-80. Grégoire de Nazianze (1969). La Passion du Christ, a tragedy. Introduction, textual criticism, translation, notes and index by André Tuilier. (Chrétiennes sources; 149.) Paris: Éditions du Cerf. Grickevicius, Artūras (2008). Pontifical Seminary Vilniškė in 1583–1655 (from the History of Religious Education in Lithuania). Vilnius: Vilnius Pedagogical University Publishing House. Guazzelli, Giuseppe Antonio (2012). "Cesare Baronio and the Roman Catholic View of the Early Church." -Van Liere, Katherine; Ditchfield, Simon; Louthan, Howard (eds.), Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 52-71. Guthrie, Sarah Julia (2005). The Text of the Gospels in the Works of Gregório Nazianzo. University of Leeds, Department of Theology and Religious Studies, September 2005. Online: http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1090/1/uk_bl_ethos_422004.pdf. Halle, H. Ashley (2014). Philip Melanchthon and the Cappadocians: A Reception of Greek Patristic Sources in the Sixteenth Century. (Academic Studies; 16.) Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Hoffman, Samuel F. W. (1833). Lexicon bibliographicum sive Index editionum etinterpretum scriptorum Graecorum tum sacrorum tum profanorum. Cura et studio S.F.G. Hoffmann […] Tomus secundus (D–I). Leipzig: Sumptibus I. A. G. Weigel. Hunter-Blair, Oswald (1910). first Gregory of Nazianzus.'- The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 7. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Online: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07010b.htm (accessed March 25, 2016). Yakshin, Ivan (2012) = Якшин, Иван Владимирович (2012). Literary history "Евангелия учительного" (Transmission of manuscripts of the late XIV-XVII centuries). Yekaterinburg. Jasnowski, Józef (1937). "Jerzy Chodkiewicz." - Polski wysornik biograficzny, vol. 3. Kraków: Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 369. Jurgelėnaitė, Rasa (1998). Latin Funeral Poems. Rhetorical analysis of the Vilnius Academy texts of the end of the 16th century. Vilnius: Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore. Juginis, Juozas; Lukšaitė, Ingė (1981). Features of Lithuanian cultural history (era of feudalism. Until the 18th century). Vilnius: Science. Karčiauskienė, M.; Lukšienė, M. et al. (1983). Features of the history of Lithuanian schools and pedagogical thinking. Vilnius: Science. Kawecka-Gryczowa, Alodia (1988). Jagiellona ostatniego library: pomnik kultury renasnesowej. Wroclaw: ZNiO. Kloczowski, Jerzy (2000). A History of Polish Christianity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Appendix 1. Life and Work of St. Gregory of Nazareth (c. 329-390) Modern accounts of the life of this saint include Jean Bernardi (1995),52 John McGuckin (2001)53 and Guthrie (PhD 2005)54 and various articles in encyclopedias online (eg Catholic Encyclopedia (= EC)55 or Russian Orthodox Encyclopedia56). birth and early life. Gregory was born around 329 on the estate of Arianzus near Karballa (or Καλβαρή)57 village (now Güzelyurt in Aksaray province, near the Ihlara valley) in Cappadocia and spent most of his life in the small town of Nazianzus beyond from about 20 when he purchased his education (ca. 341–359?) and his brief stay in Constantinople (379–381). His father, Gregory of Nazianzus the Elder (c. 275–374), was Bishop of Nazianzus, "a convert to Christianity at the age of 50, probably on his marriage".58 He formerly belonged to the "Hypsistarii" or "Hypsianistai" sect. , worshipers of Ὕψιστος (the 'greater' god), spread across Asia Minor and along the Black Sea coasts.59 Gregory's mother, Nonna, came from a Christian family living "near Iconium, a city whose Christianization dates back to directly Paul himself.”60 Gregory had an older sister, Gorgonia (who later married a man from their mother’s hometown of Iconium), and a younger brother, Caesarius, who studied medicine in Alexandria and Constantinople and he became a court physician in the year 361. In his formative period, Gregory was mentored by his pedagogue, Karterios (or Carterius), who later commissioned his education in the nearby city of Caesarea (origin. Mazaka), the capital of Cappadocia. It was here that he met Basil (c. 329–379), one of his finest. s friends later in life. From Caesarea in Cappadocia, Gregory traveled to the great Christian cities of the east: to the Cilician city of Tarsus, then to Antioch (near modern Antakya, Turkey), to Palestinian Caesarea (the place where

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Saint Grégoire de Nazianze: le théologien et son temps. Inaugurations aux Pères de l'Église. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1995. 53 Saint Gregory of Nazianzus. An intellectual biography. New York: S. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 2001. 54 Sarah Julia Guthrie, The Text of the Gospels in the Works of Gregory of Nazianzus. (Submitted under the requirements for a PhD), University of Leeds, Department of Theology and Religious Studies, September 2005. Link to this dissertation (pdf): http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1090/1/ uk_bl_ethos_422004.pdf 55 http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07010b.htm 56 http://www.pravenc.ru/text/166811.html 57 The original Greek name of this village is unknown. See W.M. Ramsay, The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, N.Y.: Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 285. 58 Guthrie, supra cit., p. 5–6 59 “Perhaps originally a Jewish group of proselytes, they kept the Sabbath and certain dietary laws, but did not practice circumcision” (Guthrie, op. cit., p. 6). 60 Guthrie, op. cit., p. 7

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Origen, Pamphilus and Eusebius), Jerusalem, after which he briefly visited Alexandria and then sailed to Athens, where he spent at least 8 years. Athens enjoyed the reputation of being the intellectual center where literature and philosophy flourished. Gregory met his friend Basil there, and they studied rhetoric under the would-be emperor Julian, "later known as the apostate, whose true character Gregory claims to have recognized even then and wholly distrusted". (CE). His teachers were the pagan sophist Himerius of Prusa of Bithynia (c. 315–386) and the Christian Prohaeresius, perhaps of Cappadocian origin. After completing his studies, Gregory stayed in Athens for several years and taught rhetoric there. Pastoral, theological and rhetorical activity. When he was about thirty years old (c. 359), Gregory returned to his homeland from Athens (his friend Basil had already done so in 356). The two friends planned to start a monastic community where they could study, write and reflect. Basil (under the influence of the Armenian ascetic Eustathius of Sebaste) retired to Pontus (Neocaesaria) to lead a hermit's life and founded a new community there at Annesi/Annesoi.61 Gregory felt strongly attracted to this way of life , visited his friend there several times. During his stay, Gregory edited (along with Basil) some of Origen's exegetical works and also helped his friend compile his famous Rules (Asketika or Regulae). In late 361 or early 362, Gregory was ordained a priest (presbyter) of Nazianzus by his father, but defied his father's will and temporarily fled to his friend at Annesoi. However, Basil persuaded Gregory to return home and help his father. After a few weeks of reflection, again at Nazianzus (spring 362), Gregory began his ministry and preached his first sermon on Easter Sunday, after which he wrote an apology, actually a treatise on the priesthood, which inspired countless writings. later on the same subject (including Chrysostom Περὶ ἱερωσύνης and Gregory the Great Regula Pastoralis). The rest of Gregory's life was marked by tensions between his church duties and a desire for solitude. With his talent for diplomacy and his rhetorical skills, he helped heal Nazianzus and restore orthodoxy to the Christian community, which had been divided into sects as a result of theological controversies and his father's failure to tolerate heretical creeds. In 362 he also wrote two lengthy orations against Emperor Julian the Apostate, who issued (on 17 June 362) the edict forbidding Christians to teach in public schools and to use classical authors (e.g. Homer) in his instructions.

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“The village of Annesoi traditionally lies west of the confluence of the Iris and Lycus rivers at Pontus, close to the modern village of Sounisa [also “modern Sonusa or Uluköy”]. The monastic estate was built on the opposite bank of the Iris, at the foot of Mount Heris Dagh. Cf. G. of Jeraphion [...]. Recently, George Huxley, in Analecta Bollandiana, has argued that it was the prehistoric site of Annisa, on the outskirts of Kayseri/Caesarea, which makes Basil's "retreat" perhaps far less than imagined as a retreat from the church scene. place. (John Anthony McGuckin, Saint Gregory of Nazianzus..., p. 88, n.16)

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Education. During this time Gregory wrote letters to Basil sympathetic to him for giving up his solitary life and becoming a priest at Caesarea (assistant to Bishop Eusebius), to Basil's brother Gregory of Nyssa, and to his own brother Caesarius, who tried to convince so that they are not interested in the charms of rhetoric and secular life. During the next few years (368-370) his brother Caesarius and sister Gorgonia died, and Gregory delivered two of his most eloquent orations (Or.7; Or.8) at their funerals. Around 370, Basil became Bishop of Caesarea and Metropolitan of Cappadocia, but soon afterwards Emperor Valens, a supporter of the Arians, divided Cappadocia into two provinces. Basil continued to claim ecclesiastical jurisdiction over all of Cappadocia, but now he was opposed by Anthimus, bishop of Tiana (capital of New Cappadocia), who claimed autonomous jurisdiction for his province. To strengthen his own position, Basil founded some new bishoprics, one of them at Sasima, and soon (372) consecrated Gregory as their first bishop, though much against his will. “However, Gregory was against Sasima from the beginning; considered himself totally unfit for the place and the place for him” (CE); As a result, he soon left his diocese without having held any episcopal office there, and returned to Nazianzo as his father's coadjutor. "Unfortunately, this episode in Gregory's life was the cause of a rift between Basilio and himself that was never fully resolved" (CE). Before the death of Gregory's father (374), Anthimus visited the two at Nazianzus to win them over, but they remained faithful to Basil, bishop of Caesarea. When Gregory's parents died (both in 374), he gave most of his inheritance to the poor, keeping only a small piece of land in Arianzus for himself. “He continued to preside over the diocese for about two years, but he refused to be bishop and constantly pressed for the appointment of a successor to his father” (CE). At the end of 375 he retired to the monastery of Santa Tecla in Seleucia, in Isauria, where he lived in solitude for about 4 years. When Basil died on 1 January 379, Gregory's own health prevented him from attending the funeral, but he wrote a letter of condolence to Basil's brother Gregory of Nyssa and composed twelve epigrams in memory of his deceased friend. At this time, after the death of Emperor Valens (9 August 378), Gregory was invited by the Orthodox Christians of Constantinople to become their leader and strengthen his position there. He accepted her invitation and came to Constantinople in 379. However, as all the churches were in Arian hands when he arrived, Gregory was forced to use his relative's private apartment as a church (Gregor gave him the epithet "Anastasia ” (“Resurrection”) "). In Constantinople, Gregory found himself both verbal accusations for his preaching and acts of violence, but this only strengthened his character. , proclaiming the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, earned him the honorary title of Theologian in later Greek tradition and, in the same year, received recognition and support from Emperor Theodosius.

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During his stay in Constantinople, Gregory experienced 3 major critical moments, later described in his autobiographical poem (De vita sua): 1) Episode of Maximus the Cynic; 2) its recognition by Theodosius; 3) the Council of Constantinople. Maximus the Cynic, the former pagan philosopher now converted to Christianity, came from Alexandria to Constantinople claiming to be Orthodox according to the Nicene Creed. Gregory took a liking to him and even shared his house and food with him and described him positively in one of the speeches (Or. 25). But Maximus secretly prepared an intrigue that came to fruition in the summer of 380, when a group of bishops from Egypt secretly tried to consecrate Maximus as the new bishop of Constantinople and remove Gregory from that post. However, the local Christian community discovered this intrigue, prompting Maximus to flee Constantinople. Later he even tried to get the Emperor's approval, but without success. Meanwhile, Emperor Theodosius, while in Constantinople in November 380, showed Gregory special respect by accompanying him in a solemn procession to the Church of the Holy Apostles (Ἅγιοι Ἀπόστολοι), effectively recognizing him as Archbishop of Constantinople. The question of the new archbishop, however, was left to the First Council of Constantinople (or Second Ecumenical Council), held in May 381. He condemned Maximus the Cynic (annulling his consecration) and first named Gregory Archbishop of Constantinople (thus presiding over the synod for a while). However, with the arrival of the Bishop of Alexandria, Timothy, Gregory's right to the bishopric was again contested, and the latter, not wishing to provoke discord and probably tacitly opposing the prevailing opinion on some theological questions, withdrew voluntarily (with his position soon occupied by Nectarius). The last years of life, death and the posthumous fate of the relics. Upon his return from Constantinople to Nazianzus, Gregory found the diocese without a bishop and was again asked by his fellow clergy to assume the duties. Despite ill health, he headed the Church of Nazianzus until late 383, when he finally obtained a successor (Eulalius) and retired to his family's lands in Arianzus. There he spent the last years of his life in rather ascetic conditions, devoted to contemplation and literary work. Gregory died in 389 or 390 (according to Orthodox tradition on January 25, 389). He bequeathed most of his family's fortune to the Church of Nazianzo to care for the poor. He was buried in Arianzus, but in 950 Emperor Constantine VI condemned Porphyrogenitus (912–959) took his relics from Arianzus to Constantinople and placed them in the Churches of the Holy Apostles and Saint Anastasia. During the Fourth Crusade (1202–1204), parts of his relics were brought to Rome by the Crusaders. After a hiatus of 800 years (on November 27, 2004), a large part of these relics, along with those of John Chrysostom, were officially returned to Istanbul (Constantinople) by Pope John Paul II and placed in the Patriarchal Cathedral of St. Fanar. celebrations. Catholic (since 1969) and Anglican churches commemorate St. Gregory of Nazianzus (together with Saint Basil the Great). from

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From the beginning of the 16th century until 1969, Catholics celebrated their feast on the 9th of May. The Orthodox Church commemorates Gregory the Theologian twice, namely on January 25 (Julian calendar) / February 7 (Gregorian calendar), the day of his death, and so on January 30 / February 12, the day of of the Holy Three Hierarchs - St. Basil, Saint Gregory Nazianzen, Saint John Chrysostom. The Lutheran Church commemorates Gregory of Nazianzus on June 14 (along with other contemporary Cappadocian theologians Basil, Gregory of Nyssa and Macrina). works and textual tradition. Gregorio Nazianzeno's writings are divided into three categories: poems (between 18,000 and 19,000 verses), 62 letters (249) and sermons (called Reden, no less than 45). Much, though not all, of what he wrote survives and is widely published, the Princeps edition of the poems being the Aldine (1504), while the first edition of his Opera Omnia appeared in Paris in 1609-1611; The Bodleian catalog contains over thirty folio pages listing various editions of Gregory's works, the best and most complete of which are the Benedictine edition (two folio volumes, 1778–1840) and the Migne edition (PG XXXV–XXXVIII, Paris 1857 ) .-1862) (CE). In the sixteenth century alone there were at least 77 different editions of Gregory's various works (cf. VD 16, vol. 8, 1987, entries no. G3019-3095). This information should be supplemented by references to the most recent editions of Gregory's speeches (eg in the series "Sources chrétiennes: textes grecs" published since 1978) and poetry (eg Gregory of Nazianzus, Poemata arcana, ed. Claudio Moreschini, translated by Donald A. Sykes, Oxford: OUP, 1997) and the first results of the modern research project supervised by the Center for the Study of Gregory of Nazianzus (C.E.G.N.) at the Oriental Institute of the Catholic University of Louvain, whose members already have important data on the textual tradition of Gregory's works (such as 6 volumes of the Repertorium Nazianzenum by Justin Mossay and Histoire des collections complètes des discours de Grégoire de Nazianze (Louvain, 1997) by Véronique Somers). There is disagreement among scholars as to the time when Gregory wrote his poetry. Some authors believe that he only wrote poetry in the last five years of his life, others that he wrote it generally towards the end of his life; and according to J. Planche, this proves his power of genius. Theodor Damian believes that if Gregory was a genius of poetry, he did not have to wait until the end of his life to write his beautiful poems, but he wrote them continuously, referring to A. Benoit's opinion that Gregory

62

According to CE, Jerome and Suidas wrote that Gregory produced 30,000 verses. As for the corpus today: Louis Montaut mentions 17,000 verses, Francesco Corsaro 17,500, Vasile Ionescu and Nicolae Stefanescu 18,000 (in 507 poems), while Jean Bernardi puts the figure at 20,000 (in 185 poems plus epitaphs), see Theodor Damian, “The Poesia of Gregory of Nazianzus in the Christian poetic context of the 4th century 4th century%E2%80%9C/)

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he began to write poetry at an early age, which is the only way to explain the vast amount of literary work he produced.63 Immediately after the death of Gregory of Nazianzus, his works began to be translated into various languages ​​of the early Christian East: initially in Coptic, Syriac and Armenian, then in Arabic, Georgian, Slavic and Ethiopic (in some of these languages ​​even several times). An ancient Latin version, made during the author's lifetime, should be added to the list. Each of these translations was rapidly and widely circulated, exerting an influence in corresponding areas similar to that of the Greek text among the Byzantines.64 The Carmina moralia. Carmina moralia is a conventional name for the particular section of Gregory's poetry which usually deals primarily with the moral aspect of Christian doctrine. This set of about 6,000 lines of 40 poems written in several meters is named after the second volume of the edition of Gregory's works by Armand Benjamin Caillau (1840) (reprinted in the third volume of Gregory's works as columns 521–968 in vol 37 of the Greek Patrology, Paris 1862). This collection is alternatively referred to as Section 2 of Book 1 [= 1.2] of Gregory's Poems of the same edition. It is "an anthology of poems and ethical maxims, including various gnomology and an alphabetical acrostic of gnomish verses". the entire poetic "Corpus Nazianzenum", part of Gregory's "poetic project". Brian A. Daley, SJ, in his discussion of Gregory's Poemata arcana67, imagines that Gregory Nazianzus may have had a plan to produce a systematic verse summary of Christian theology in an attempt to cover all the fundamental aspects of orthodox theology known in Christianity. Christian era. teaching how to consolidate a job. His Poemata Arcana is similar to the Catechetical Discourse (c. 383) in the general idea of ​​a handbook or compendium.

63

Theodor Damian, "The Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus in the Fourth Century Christian Poetic Context" (http://theodordamian.wordpress.com/english-pages/%E2%80%9Ethepoetry-of-gregory-of-nazianzus-in-context -fourth-century-Christian-poetic%E2%80%9C/) 64 http://nazianzos.fltr.ucl.ac.be/002PresentE.htm 65 Walter T. Wilson, The Mysteries of Justice . The literary composition and genre of sentences by Pseudo-Phocylides, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr 1994 (Texts and Studies on Ancient Judaism; 40) p. 24. 66 First, there is no comprehensive critical edition. There is only one alternative (unfortunately not seen by me) to Caillau's edition, which includes the entire collection of Carmina moralia: Gregorio Nazianzeno, poetry, 2 volumes, ed. Claudio Moreschini (volume 1), Carmelo Crimi (volume 2), Rome: Città Nuova, 1994–1999. Secondary literature on Carmina moralia is rare and, for the most part, was not available to me during the preparation of this work. 67 "Systematic Theology in Homeric Costume: Poemata Arcana", in: Rereading of Gregory of Nazianzus. Essays on History, Theology and Culture, ed. Christopher A. Beeley, Washington: The CUA Press, 2012, pp. 3–12.

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by Gregory of Nyssa and other "synthetic prose summaries",68 such as the Compendiums of Platonic Doctrine - Didascalicus (2nd century) by a certain Alcinous (possibly Albinus) or Peri theōn kai kosmou (4th century) by Flavius ​​Sallust. However, Gregory's work is closely oriented to the arrangement of material in Origen's Peri archōn (De principiis, ca. 212–215) and his "Rule of Piety" in selecting and arranging themes from Homeric, Hesiodic, and Calimaqueans and Iambics. verses from classical Attic dramatic dialogues. The way thoughts and instructions are presented is very similar to the style of numerous didactic poems (of which Theognis is one of the most important models)70 that deal with "technical, scientific and even theological matters"71 among others (including more narrative themes Homeric ones) and more refined Kalimachian hymns, as well as mystical Orphic hymns) could be categorized as theological poems. In close connection with the classical epicodidactic tradition, several paraphrases of the Christian Bible from the fourth to sixth centuries. Augustine's biblical poem Psalmus contra Partem Donati (394) also fits into this context. "Greek Christian didactic poetry [...] probably began in the 360s with the work of the grammarian Apollinaris of Laodicea" [the Elder]. He is said to have "wrote an epic in twenty-four books on the 'Antiquities of the Hebrews' from the beginning of Genesis to the time of Saul, as well as other Biblical paraphrases in dramatic and comic meter". for Gregory's writing in verse was his desire to use Greek to provide Christians (perhaps young and intellectually advanced) with Orthodox literature "according to classical Greek forms and patterns". His desire to contain his own expansion, to prove to the "sophists" of his time the capacity of Christians to create their own literature and to take comfort in difficult moments of life are also the motifs presented in his autobiographical poems. Gregory's poetry embraces works of varied length, meter and content: long and dramatic autobiographical tales, 'tracts on the virtues or ascetic life; [...] 'casual verses' - monologues, prayers, epigrams, letters in verse, epitaphs - many of them in the most complicated meters and dialects of Greek poetry. arcana, were among the most famous in this corpus. His poetry has several dominant themes common to all of his writing: “his central focus on

68 69 70 71 72 73

Daley, op. cit., p. 6. Daley, a.a.O. cit., p. 8–12. Vgl. Demoen , 1993 : 239 ; Simelidis 2009: 119. Daley, aaO. cit., p. 4. Daley, aaO. cit., p. 5 Ebd., p. 6.

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the Trinity, conceived in precise terms of common being and distinct relationships, not to be understood as material generation, but more accurately imagined as self-communicating light; its emphasis on the Word as an agent of both creation and the economy of redemption, and the paradoxical human presence of the Word among us as the breathtaking climax of this story; its emphasis on our own need to be purified and guided by the Spirit of God if we are to have any understanding of God and the works of God [...]; his allusions to the current human condition as an arduous but hopeful pilgrimage [...]; his reference to a promise of deification as the work of the Holy Spirit [...]”74. These themes are mixed with several precepts of a more general nature that have parallel examples in classical literature and oral tradition (popular maxims, proverbs, aphorisms, etc.).

74

Ebd., p. 11–12.

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Appendix 2. Excerpts from the works of late 16th-century Lithuanian authors who cite Gregory of Nazianzus as an important authority (examples from Lutheran, Calvinist, and Catholic authors) 2.1. Excerpt from the first collection of Lithuanian handwritten sermons, usually referred to as Wolfenbüttel's Sermon Book (1573), intended for Lutheran congregations: ǁditaiei baſilij magni del perſekdineijma ǁ [30] a nepalaubima nog paganiʒka ceſara ster tạ walandạ ǁ pennetụ[n]si76. (WP 1573 [fol. 243r26–35) However, the source of the translation is not the Greek but the Latin text, as identified by Prof. Jolanta Gelumbeckaitė in her edit (WP 2008) (emphasis on name is mine – TV) 2.2. Excerpt from the letter of the Calvinist Andreas Volanus (ca. 1530–1610) to the Bishop of Kyiv, Nicolaus Pac (Pacius, ca. 1570–1624), written 1 April 1565 and published in the book (by the same Nicolaus Pac) Orthodoxa fidei confession of an eademque Dei Patris, Filii, et Spiritus Sancti divinitate, ac tribus personis [...] Regiomonti Borussiae (In officina Iohannis Daubmanni), 1566)77:

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"Monody" bedeutete hier eine Art Trauerrede, im Grunde eine Klage. Dies führt uns zur 43. Rede des nazianzenischen Korpus, wo wir in den §§ 5–7 die Geschichte der Verfolgung des hl. Basils Eltern und ihre Rettung vor dem Hunger durch die "ὄὄon automaton, unfulfilled pandaise, ἔλαφοι τῆν λο & ποθεν ἔὑ & iges ῶντες ἔρρρρρρ & igesses λρρ & λhaltung ἀρρ & ἀhaltung ἀρρ & ἀρρ & ἀρρ & ἀρρ & ἀρρ & ἀρρ & ἀω & ässes alandes ἀρ & ἀρ & ἀρ & ἀρ & ἀρ & ἀρ & ἀρ & ἀρ & $ ses ὑὲν ἀεντεν ἀἀ e iges ἀρ & iges ἀρ & iges. Gregor hatte im 16. Jahrhundert mehrere Ausgaben, vgl. VD 16 G3065– 3070. 76 Transcrição ins zeitgenössische Litauische: „Und wie gut und liebevoll (= barmherzig) ist der Herr (= Herr) usw. Gregor von Nazianz schreibt in den Monodia, dass sich die Eltern von Basilius dem Großen (lat. Basilii Magni) wegen der unaufhörlichen Verfolgung des heidnischen Cäsars (=Kaisers) wegen des Wortes Gottes im Wald versteckten? zu ihnen und übergaben sich ihnen in die Hände, damit ihr Fleisch (während) jener Stunde (= Zeit) mäste (= fütte) re)“ Deutsch: „Und wie gut und barmherzig der Herr ist und so weiter, schreibt Gregory Nazianzen in Monody, dass die Eltern von Basilius dem Großen wegen der unaufhörlichen Verfolgung durch den heidnischen Kaiser für [ihre Liebe und Respecttung] des Worts von Gott , wir haben uns im Wald versteckt? als sie nichts mehr zu essen hatten, kamen freiwillig zwei Rehe aus dem Wald zu ihnen und übergaben sich ihnen in die Hände, damit sie zu dieser Stunde (= Time) ihr Fleisch essen konnten". Elektronische Version des Faksimile dieser Seite: http: / /diglib.hab.de/wdb.php?dir=mss/11-2-aug-2f&pointer=489 Para o termo "Monody" ver nota de rodapé 77 O texto aqui é a édition moderna das obras de A. Volanus entnommen ( vgl . Volanas 1996: 322).

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“For I never thought there was any other feeling in the Christian heart than that the Father is always eternally adored and invoked, so that the godly mind is never separated from the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and is always adored and adored becoming if the three in one of them too.” I therefore particularly like this pious and elegant sentence of Nazianzen: I cannot (says he) think of one without being surrounded by the brightness of three: I cannot divide three, without suddenly being referred to One.”78 2.3 Excerpt from the Calvinist’s letter Mikalojus Radvila Juodasis (Nicolaus Radziwiłł the Black, 1515–1565), Voivode of Vilnius, Grand Chancellor and Grand Hetman of Lithuania, written 14 July 1561 to Jean Calvin (1509–1564) on "Orthodoxy" and "Catholicity" (i.e., fidelity to the true teaching of the Reformed Church) by Giovanni Giorgio Blandrata, whom Calvin was very suspicious of and accused of promoting anti-Trinitarian ideas: "...the one who had just quarreled with Your Excellency, and who had never complained about anything [. ..] and that it was enough for him (of this hidden mystery) in one God the Father, in one Lord Jesus Christ the Son, and to believe in one Holy Spirit, who is not three gods, but of equal nature, eternity and equality. he had said he didn't want to follow this pur ety of doctrine with pride, envy or malice, but joining the judgment of the orthodox Nazianzen, especially in the book on moderation of debates: which doctrine as correct and as correct should be recognized as Catholic, our Church decided 79 2.4. Excerpt from the first printed Lithuanian Catholic postilla (1599) by Mikalojus Daukša,80 translated from the Polish version of the postilla by J. Wujek, with reference to the history of the speech of Gregory Nazianzus (cf. Contra Julianum I, 55–56 (PG 35, 577) –580) the story is too long to quote here):

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Cf. Calvin, Institutio Christianae religionis (1559), I, 13, 17. Greg. naz. Or. 40, 41 (PG 36, 417, 28-30): I do not reach the one you understand and I am included in the three; I do not reach the three parts and refer to the one. 79 The source of the quoted text is the recent monograph on the beginnings of the Reformation in Lithuania: Pociūtė-Abukevičienė 2008: 468, n. 144. 80 The text used for the present citation is taken from the latest edition based on photocopies of the original. See Daukša / ed. Palionis 2000: 956 (the original page number of the 1599 edition of the Postilla is 455; cf. next footnote).

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"Taſai ę́ę́klas ir nůdús ir wélinus atatręmia tolin der Rand: "Gregorius ǁ Nazia[n]zenus ǁ Lib. 8. cap: ǁ 20."82) [Translation: "This sign wards off poisons and demons and harms the teachings of black Priests, and this is what Julian the Apostate, the accursed, experienced when in the moment of fear he steadied himself with this sign, though I had already denied Christ”]

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Transcription of the original text is done with significant help from my colleague Mindaugas Strockis (Head of the Center for Digital Philology at Vilnius University). Transcription into contemporary Lithuanian: “This sign drives away both the poison and the devil and corrupts the knowledge of the black priests [= sorcerers], which the accursed Julijonas Apostate [= apostate] witnessed [= experienced], although he had already defended himself [= discarded] Christ when he marked himself with this sign out of fear [= frightened].” A slightly different transcription can be found online (DP 1599/2006: 455, 47–49): http://www.lki.lt /seniejiratai /db.php?source=2&page=16 82 The book and chapter reference it is not clear. It is difficult to find an eight-volume edition of the works of St. Gregory Nazianzen printed in the 16th century. At present, the only plausible thing is that the reference refers to the ten-volume special edition of selected works that was printed in the early 16th century: Libelli X Divi Gregorii Nazianzeni [...] ed. to J. A. Mulingo (Argentina [= Strasbourg]: J. Knoblouch, 1508; cf. VD G3045, G3046).

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Annex3. Examples of some late sixteenth-century authorized publications by members of the Jesuit Order quoting or praising the writings of Gregorio Nazianzeno 3.1. Antonio Possevino (1533–1611) in Bibliotheca selecta de ratione studirum, 1593, chap. 25, pg. 108 (quotes the Latin translation of Gregory's poem as an example of poetry full of pure Christian piety): Finally, to introduce Proteus into the Nativity; and to prophesy life (which Sannazarius did) could he bring any dignity? Wise, then, was Gregor Nazianzen, whose most honorable and pleasing poems (like the Latin ones) are not lacking: He says I am the organ of God; and with well-tuned songs I sing praises to God before whom all things tremble. I sing, I say, not Troy, not the Argonauts, not the Boar's Head, not the famous Hercules; nay, as land and sea are united by the most suitable structure; nor the splendor of jewels, nor the course of celestial bullets, nor mad loves; not an exceptional young man, gently tapping the lyre with his fore fingers, the form: I sing the great true God, the light of the Trinity, the great hymns of angels, who, closer, celebrate God in competition. I also sing the concert of the world, and indeed the concert of the present life is far superior; which I hope to hear as all things rush to an end. I also sing the undying glory of Christ's passions, with which, mixing the human form with the heavenly, he divinely touched me. I sing my mixture and moderation (for no language can worthily explain the cause of my creation), by whose agreement I am composed of heavenly nature and earthly nature. Finally, God's law for men; worldly actions and counsels demand and exalt your faith so that you also keep them in your heart and avoid them as much as possible for fear of the day to come. These are the things my tongue modulates like a guitar. We, who assume the priestly ministry, must be very careful not to sound anything other than this kind of concert. Indeed, I myself will keep a pure tongue in the pure sacrifices with which I offer this great King to mortals. For I have not committed myself, that is, with a foreign language, I swear, and with obscene intellect I will make this life-giving sacrifice to the purest god. from the same source, sweet and bitter water will not flow; the purple robe did not match the mud [= mud] at all. What is it? Did not the priest's sons bring destruction by touching their unclean hands in sacrifice?

83 Cf. Leviticus 10:1-2: “1 And Nadab and Abihu, Aaron's sons, took censers and kindled fire and incense from above, and offered fire before the LORD, which was not commanded them. 2 Fire went out from the Lord and consumed them, and they died before the Lord. I am grateful to my colleague Ona Daukšienė for identifying this biblical place.

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84 These examples move me and I fear very much that something bad could happen to me that impurely touches the pure Trinity, the Divine. And it would be permissible to force even the evil spirit, randomly wandering here and there for many days, as if by a kind of bridle, closer to its goal and bending it or at least keeping it completely in the chest free from deceit and deceit . This is (allowed in Greek poetry) Nazianzenus”85 3.2. Opinion of Robert Bellarmine (1542–1621), first published in the third volume of his Controversiae (1593), under the authority of Gregorio Nazianzo in his play Χριστὸς πάσχων:86 : For, he says, God will not bring any necessity that he being good can be, but in the choice, and that is the position of your decision.”87

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2 Samuel (Vulg. 2 Kings) 6, 6–7: “6 And when they came to the plain of Nachon, Oza stretched out his hand to the ark of God, and held it: for the oxen were kicking, and they turned it away. 7 And the angry Lord was angry against Ozam, and persuaded him because of his rashness: who died there near the ark of God. I am also indebted to Ona Daukšienė for identifying this biblical passage. 85 Cf. PG 37, II, 1, 1312,7– 1315, 4: Ὄrganon emi Theoios und eukrektois meleesshin | I am pulling a rescue, the whole world is in danger. | Melpo d'οὐ Troy, οὐκ εὔπλον οἷα της Αρὼ, | Nem mesmo uma cabeça, não muito Hercules, | From the earth there is a large circle as if it were floating in the air, | Let the eggs be from the stone, let the heavenly road be; | I don't expect luxury from a beleza da juventude, | Fall the sweet lyre of the house in advance. | [1313.1] Melpo d'ypsimedonta Theoḥon megan, ἠὲ faeinis | Em uma luz sublime da minha Trindade, | Danças de anjos e grandes hinos Perto de Estaoton, do lado opoposto | O mundo estará em harmony, e o Cresson do presente, | Eu tento de qualquer maneira em caso de emergency E o soferen de Cristo kleos aphtiton, que me fez divino | Forma de céu de cereja de Andromeda. | Melpo mixin émin. Oὐ ὐ γὰρ ὐτὸν ἀργον ὥτύθην | Ergon, as the os céus dos mortais hole woven. | I hope to humanize a lei de God em todas as obras e conselhos do mundo e o fim de ambos; | Ὄfra τὰ ὅν κευθης σισι frὶ, tịn d'apị tîle | Você sai e tem medo de vir. | I have so many languages, guitars, phrases, santo, | [1314.1] Do not disturb harmony. | I guard their tongues from victims of pure ignorance Oἷsin Anakta megan Ἀ ἓν ἅγο chthonióis. | Oὐ γὰρ de outro idioma, hrantou te nooio | I offer a pure living sacrifice. | Um recurso que não é nem doce nem argo, | Eἵmati lila vorvoros allotrion. | E pir xeinon olesse thiipole em preteroisi | Children, not pure victims. | O fourth sacred pot, I heard with joy, from the great ark of God, | Mesmo que ele se incline, ele bate no homem quebrado. | Então eu trema, e minha querida, que destino, | Give Trinity a Pure Touch. | But, even though his mind was immovable, unstable [1315.1] Camptein terma ἆσσον, ἐπὶ streptῆri halinῷ, | Ἢ παπάν possess aklopon ἐν κραδιῃ | Em vez disso, Christoῖos megakleos ἆσσον Ἀλανον, | The bright lights of the big fist! 86 Based on an article by Michelle Lacore (1995-1996). 87 Disputations of Robert Bellarmine Politian [...] De Controversiis Christianae Fidei [...] Tomus Tertius [...] Coloniae Agrippinae, 1615, lib. Chapter 5 XXV ("Testimony of the Greek Fathers [...] for free will in morals"), p. 268. A citação segue a digital edition, available em

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3.3. Two excerpts from the Ratio studiorum of 1599: [a] (Regulae Professoris Rhetoricae, 13): , & ǁ of others of this kind (just leave them clean), among which, rightly, SS. Nazianzen, Basil and Chrysostom are replaced." [b] (Ordem do Professor de Letras, 9): "Grammar with Greek class on alternate days, and the author is explained." [...] The author of the first semester of freedom of expression is taken from the easiest, such as some speeches by Isocrates and Saints Chrysostom and Basil, from the letters of Plato and Synesis, as something selected from Plutarch: In the second half, some poems are explained, for example, by Phocilides , Theognides, Saint Gregory of Nazianzus, Synesius and the like."

Address: http://books.google.lt/books?id=_m5TAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=lt&sourc e=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q=testimonia&f=false The third volume of R. Bellarmine's Disputationes appeared in 1593 (Venice).

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Appendix 4. Examples of epigrams by students of the Vilnius Jesuit Academy, containing elements of imitation of Carmina moralia by Gregory Nazianzus 88 89 90 91 Greek verses from the collection of funeral poems Parentalia verses by Gregory Nazianzus in obitum Illustris et Magnifici Domini D. Georgii Chodkievicii Carmina moralia imitated in each Generalis Capitanei Samogitiae etc. Did the earth see you? The fourth land above the living is called Tấn naie, and see there the emprepon88, you have freedom89, But there you see the holy things you rejoiced in the crown And because of the three there you have the emprepon90 ounom'91. [b] Hieronymus Grabowski Blind Eyes

4, 6 cf. Greg. naz. I know the verses, 55-56 (Carm. moral. 915, 1-2): You will give everything, you will bury your fat ones; | Expensive price, they have the right reputation.

Tit. cf. Greg. naz. Ich kenne Couplets, 19 (Carm. moral. 912, 5): Blinde Tage, ὃσ ἀἀς κακίας οὐκ Oset' olethron

We consider the eyes to be mortal, if possible, because they are called blind, but sight does not prove it. You don't see death when you're a king or a country man, You don't look around, you're rich and penniless, Yet you don't make up words when you wake, Nor miss the nation when it arrives. small. [c] Nicolaus Zaleski Rejoice because you have not seen the day [cf. Mt 25, 13, 1] Get up today man, it's the end of your life. Do not hesitate to believe that Tolma will probably try tomorrow. Many ends are cylindrical and in between. she is very lonely He fell as a player, he died as a suffocator, and yesterday it was chaos. Vacillating is the wheel, small and unconvinced, this one is blind, untwisted, capricious and alive.

88 89 90 91

Originally printed: ἔμπρεπον Originally printed: ἐχεῖς Originally printed: ἔμπρεπον Originally printed: ἐχεῖς

9–10 cf. Greg. naz. On her (sc. Human life), 1–2 (PG 37, I, 2, 787, 14–788, 1): her wheel is trembling, | This small and varied life

Imitation of the Carmina Moralia of Saint Gregory Nazianzus

[d] Ioannes Florentius Flight and Eros Many accuse the world of sin, but few of them are excommunicated [=exorion]. When life is bad, man, bad things happened to you, tis, where is that man you're looking for? Where you leave only the memory of death and honor, do not harm the believer in the slightest.

[and] Valentinus Skrobaczewski In all the world there is a grave, a place where death is the point of cowardice. So you always remember destiny, always you and what you step on.

[f] Adamus Zerdenski Study your last. Never advance while living, neglect the path and wait for the end of the beginning. A disrespectful life is bitter, but a good beginning and a good ending are good.

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7-8 Greg. naz. Knowledge distics, 59–60 (PG 37 I, 2, 915, 5–6): Their age, the cosmos takes that achthea ti'id' apoelipas, | He is the teia of celestial life. | see Greg. Naz., On the futility and incredulity of life and the fim comum of all things, vv. 51-56 (PG 37 II, 1 (Carm. of se ipso) 1304, 8-1305, 1): Open, worldwide and as phal-se | Grabbers of aliens, female androphonio, | Plouton, ἐικλην, thokus, genos, olbon afiston, | We are leaving the sky fast, not for long chamei lights marbled near three sparklers. Tit. cf. Greg. naz. Gnomic Verses, 43 (PG 37 I, 2, 919, 8): All the dead are dead; 2 See Greg. naz. I am disciples, 1–2 (PG 37 I, 2, 910, 12–13): Γυμνὸς ολος biotoio tamóis ἀλα, μεὲ varεῖia | Naus thick pontoon ioi, aetika dissomene. || Cfr. PG 37, II, 1, 1351, 1-3: One law, one God, you named one; everything is equal | The flesh of Christ is saving, it is desirable. [...] 3 see Greg. naz. I Know Couplets, 3–4 (PG 37 I, 2, 911, 1–2): Not kryeroio prestaeotos thanatoio | 4 See Greg. naz. On Human Life, 2 (PG 37 I, 2, 786, 11): Τῇ γῇ γὰρ ἡ γῆ reconcilia || see Greg. naz. Gnomic Verses, 44 (PG 37 I, 2, 919, 9): For he goes from earth to earth and back to earth. 4 See Greg. naz. Gnomian Distics, 1–2 (PG 37 I, 2, 916, 1–2): From the beginning of the bem there is also an end, | The terms of things have certain taste.

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Appendix 5. Example of Indirect Imitation of Gregory of Nazianzu Albertus Krzekotowski Only the Virtue of Immortal Goods

1–2 cf. Greg. naz. On the meaninglessness and unfaithfulness of life and the common end of all things, vv. 49-56 (pg 37, II, 1 (Carm. De If Ipso) 1304, 6-1305, 1): Euphradiia, opinion, deinsis, money, ῥομη, ταῦ oὖν εισοντες, ἐμοῖς πειθεσθ᾿ ἀπεσσι, ἐμοῖς ἐμοὶ ed , where I found glory, piety and beauty, you mean things are not enough [= ???] an immortal fate will destroy you Greedy, king of epichtonic malice, thief of strangers, greedy murderer, Incorrupt virtue rejuvenated, live for all ; Pluto, preacher, Thocus, Genos, Olbon Afiston, And the pompous glory of virtue grows old If you ask for life in a tomb, life of Ambrosia, let heaven at once, not many Kalleas marble light above three foaming It's not true, but you're good, I want you, I want God. Cf. Greg. Naz. On human nature (PG 37, I, 2 759, 11–12): Adranii, penii te, tokos, moros, ἥθος, alitroὶ, ἀρες ἀλὸς, gaeis, algea, panta bios. See Greg. naz. On the Ways of Life 7-28 (PG 37, I, 2 779, 1-780, 9): There is no good in man, nor mix of evil. the wolves had no more destinations! Riches are unfaithful, but the throne is the foam of dreams. The beauty of a star, the beauty of grace, but youth, the drink of time, the city of life, the sadness of life. But the words are sloppy, air, kleos, old Eugene's blood, rhome, and the farm wife. But a cursed daughter; bond, marriage; but eutectic care, necessary; but dystechnia, disease. Those who buy bad studies, but those who are silent, Adranii, make those who come. A narrow mass that does not heal. They didn't like it, Mochtos. Pontopores help the most. But the father, a beretron, a stranger and a dreamer. always a delight to mortals; always laughter Hnos, shadow, ghost, dew, breath, feather, mist, dream, oidma, ῥος, νηὸς ἴχνιον aὖra, konis, eternal circle, image of all cylinders, hestia, trochaon, dissolving, fixed, Ὥrais, ἔμασι, nyxὶ , pain, death, ἀναις, terpolῇsi, disease, corpse, eudromiais.

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Abstract Saint Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. 329-390), one of the greatest representatives of Eastern and Western Christianity and one of the most important orators of his time (4th century AD), left in his legacy an interesting collection of moral themes from Greek poetry which (along with his rhythmic speeches) was a source of inspiration for several subsequent and much later generations of Christian intellectuals, clergy, scholars, and students. This article presents a brief overview of possible reasons and paths that led St. Gregory to study in Lithuania, focusing mainly on direct evidence of imitation of that part of his poetry commonly known as Carmina Moralia (PG 37, 521-968). The main source of my argument is the collection of funeral poems Parentalia in obitum Georgii Chodkiewicz [...] Vilnae [...] 1595 recently edited by the members of the devout Academic Society of Vilnius University (Jesuit Academy Vilnius) in honor of the late Georgius Chodkievicius (Юрый Хадкевіч, Jerzy Chodkiewicz, Jurgis Chodkevičius, 1570?–1595).

IV Greek Humanistic Texts

A NEW EPIGRAMA OF MATTHEW DEVARIS1 Grigory Vorobyev

Matthew Devaris (ca. 1505–1581), known as Ματθαῖος Δεβαρῆς, Matteo Devarìs, Matteo de Varis, Matteo di Bari or simply Matteo Greco, born on the island of Kerkyra (Corfu), was a pupil of Janus Lascaris and Marcus Musurus and one of the most prominent Hellenists of sixteenth-century Rome.2 Devaris wrote a treatise on Greek particles, an index of Eustace's commentaries on Homer,3 and a Greek translation of the decrees of the Council of Trent. He also wrote Greek epigrams. Twenty of them were printed in the preface to the posthumous edition of his Liber de Graecae linguae particulis, which was prepared for publication in Rome in 1588 by his nephew Pedro4 under the direction of Fulvio Orsini and Guglielmo Sirleto5.5 Numerous epigrams also survive in the Codex Vat autograph. gr. 1414, 25 of which do not appear in the 1588 edition; Four epigrams are found in different codices of the Veneranda Ambrosiana Library, three of which are

1

I would like to express my gratitude to Gianfranco Agosti, Dieter Harlfinger, Martin Steinrück, Erkki Sironen, Antoine Haaker, Janika Päll, Jean-Marie Flamand and Alessandra Lukinovich for the important suggestions and improvements they made during the conference discussion of my work. I am also grateful to Vsevolod Zelchenko for his valuable advice on the layout of the poem edition, and to Alexandra Chirkova of the Archives of the Institute of History, who helped me to access the manuscript sheet and kindly provided her photo so that I could compare the manuscript with that of the Vatican Codex. A preliminary version of the present work entitled Еще odна эпиграмма Матфея Девариса [Another Epigram of Matthew Devaris] was included in the festschrift samizdat presented to Elena Ermolaeva: ΕΛΕΝΕΙΑ: litterulae chartulaeque ab amicis et discipulevamonthisola Missing ermolaevais. Welcome to the rest of Е.Л. Ермолаевой. Petrópolis, 2014, 47-50. http://ru.scribd.com/document/225753532/FS-Ermolaeva). 2 Details of Devaris' biography taken from Ceresa 1991. 3 Cf. under nº 27. 4 On Peter Devaris, see Agati 2000. 5 Cf. Devarius 1588 (Mateus Devarii Liber de Graecae linguae particulis. Romae, apud Franciscum Zannettum, 1588, f. b1r–c1v). Peter Devaris' preface text was later reprinted by Legrand, but with only one of Matthew's twenty poems: Legrand 1885: 52–60.

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also available on Vat.gr. 1414;6 a poem is in Vat.gr. 1902 (it is printed in the 1588 edition).7 Two more epigrams were printed in the prefaces of two different books, in 1581 and 1719.8 In all, therefore, 48 poems by Devaris are known. In 1962, Faidon Bubulidis published the first study of Devaris' poems, in which he listed all known poems9 and edited the following: 1) nine of twenty-five unpublished epigrams from Vat.gr. 1414; 2) one of the Ambrosiana manuscripts;10 3) five poems of the twenty that had already been printed in 1588.11 In 1978, another thirteen epigrams from Vat.gr. 1414 were edited by Anna Meschini Pontani.12 In the introduction to this publication, in which she harshly criticized Bubulidis' editing,13 Meschini Pontani suggested that the corpus of Devaris' epigrams, comprising 48 poems, could be larger thanks to the possible new size found .14 ​​Indeed, one of his unpublished epigrams has now come to light in St. Petersburg. Petersburg Institute of History (Russian Academy of Sciences) has, among several other manuscripts of Italian origin, a folded sheet of paper (card 671, No. 54), 210 × 140 mm, containing Verse Greek Poem on the first obverse (ff.1v and 2rv are empty), signed in Latin “Matth(aei) Devarii” by the same hand that transcribed the text. The leaf was never described anywhere except in a three-word entry in the card catalog available in the archives. Acquired by a Russian paleographer and collector Nikolay Likhachev from an unknown European

6

All four poems are in Ambr. Q114sup., part C, f.24r; three of them also appear in Ambr. N234sup., ff.9r and 11r; one of these three (the only one missing from Vat.gr. 1414) is Devaris's epitaph of Michael Sophianos, which also appears in Ambr. N156sup., f.76r and in Ambr. P242auf., f.41v. Meschini 1981: 10, 24-27, 45-46. 7 VAT gr. 1902, f.314r. See #25 below. See Canart 1970: 607. 8 Bubulidis 1961–1962: 391–392. 9 Bubulidis erroneously counted 50 instead of 48, see note 14 below. 10 Namely the epitaph of Sophianos, cf. 6 above. 11 Bubulidis 1961–1962, reprinted as Bubulidis 1962. 12 Meschini 1978. Cf.: "The aim of this work is to combine the sylloge "in fieri" of Devarìs with the publication of the epigrams of Vat. gr. 1414 omitted by Bubulidis ", Meschini 1978:57. 13 Meschini 1978:54-57. See, for example B.: “The attempt to extend the sylloga of Devaris was commendable; the result is not like that”, Meschini 1978: 54. 14 “For the time being, we have given up systematically searching the catalogs of manuscripts and some uncatalogued codices in the Vatican Library; Additions to the collection of 50 epigrams mentioned by Bubulidis (there are actually 48) are still possible”, Meschini 1978: 57 n. 17.

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Bookseller or antique dealer at the end of the 19th century or the beginning of the 20th century,15 the sheet became part of his collection, which later constituted the respective archive. The ff.106r-137v of the Vat.gr. 1414 represent Devaris's personal sketchbook, consisting mainly of epigrams. In this codex one can observe his work in progress: many epigrams contain variants and corrections. In contrast, the text of the St. Petersburg epigram appears to be a fair copy, perhaps intended to be presented to the honoree. Matthew manuscript at Vat.gr. 1414 is not homogeneous; however, in general it can be said to be quite fluent, and sometimes even resembles that fast cursive handwriting well known from his pinakes, notes and corrections in various Vatican manuscripts16 and in those of Cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi17. The handwriting on our sheet is much more precise and balanced; but also in the Vatican Codex (particularly in ff.121rv, 126v, 127r, 128r, 129v, 131v) there are many peculiar forms of letters and ligatures that are used in our text and allow the St. Petersburg leaf to be used consider an autograph (see ILL.1 and ILL.2). We can mention the delta with a sharp angle instead of the curve at its apex, a peculiar curve in the right stroke of the lambda, the crutch string used exclusively, a characteristic execution of the sigma-alpha ligature, the minuscule gamma with a strong inclination to the right , the chi with a peculiar execution of the first strike, a simplified form of the rho and the slanted lowercase eta. The form of the last stroke of the abbreviation of καί is also revealing.18 Finally, oh and D in the Latin subscript are written exactly as Devaris did in the Latin parts of Vat.gr. 1414 (cf. f.95r).

r

d

t

c

eu

h

em

e

h

D

ILL.1. Feature lyrics by Matthew Devaris. St. Petersburg, Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Archives, Department of Western Europe, Box 671, No. 54, f. 1r.

fifteen

The current state of research on the composition of the Likhachev collection does not allow an exact statement about the origin of the sheet. For the origin of the collection, see Klimanov 2012b; Klimanov 2012a: 38–39. 16 Cf. Gamillscheg et al. 1981-1997. Vol.3A: 165–166, no. 440 (see also below, note 18). 17 Cf. Muratore 2009: passim. 18 In the repertoire of the Greek copyists (Gamillscheg et al. 1981–1997) there are entries for manuscripts in the handwriting of Devaris in volumes 2A (pp.139–140, no. 364) and 3A (pp.165–166, no. 440) , with bibliography; both paleographic descriptions (in Volumes 2B and 3B) and tables (in Volumes 2C and 3C) are missing.

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The epigram is dedicated to a certain Σίρλετος (verse 11). It must be Guglielmo Sirleto (1514-1585), who came to Rome in 1539-1540, was commissioned to compile an inventory of Greek codices for the Vatican Library in 1548, became its guardian in 1554, was made a cardinal in 1565, and Prefect of the Vatican Library in the year 1570.19 Around 1535 Devaris joined the family of Cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi and was responsible for his private library.20 After Ridolfi's death in 1550, Matthew served Camillo Colonna and after 1551 Alessandro Farnese. At the same time, he had already started working for the Vatican Library in 1535. According to Massimo Ceresa, he worked there as a proofreader of Greek manuscripts in 1541,21 while Maria Luisa Agati states that he was only a scriptor from 1541 until your death; his assumption of the office of corrector relates only to the years 1562-1565.22 In any case, Pius IV replaced him. 1565 Devaris for another official, but Matthew received a stipend. In 1566, the next pope, Pius V, withdrew Devaris' grant, and Cardinal Alessandro Farnese was forced to write a letter to Guglielmo Sirleto on Devaris' behalf; Mateus's unstable situation lasted until the end of 1570.23 Given this biographical information about Devaris and Sirleto, we can assume that the poem was composed between 1539 and 1581 (perhaps after 1548, or more likely after 1554, when contact between the two should have been closer ).24 Given the flattering tone of the epigram, we can risk the hypothesis of a closer dating, namely between 1566 and 1570, since it was at this time that Mateus found himself in financial difficulties and expected Sirleto's help. However, this latter dating is merely speculative.25 *** Anna Meschini Pontani noted, both for the epigrams he published and those printed in 1588, that Devaris respected the meter and made an effort to

19

Denzler 1964. See Muratore 2009: Vol. 1, 54-56. 21 Ceresa 1991: 514. 22 Agati 2000: 215. Cf. May 1962: 290–292. 23 Ceresa 1991: 515. 24 The sheet of paper does not contain a watermark that could help date the poem. 25 VAT code gr. 1902 contains several papers by Sirleto, including several epigrams dedicated to him. Our text is not one of them, although there is some material by Devaris in this manuscript, including one of his poems published in 1588, namely the Song of Praise to Gregory of Nazianzus (see n. 7 above). See Canart 1970: 587-615, especially 605-613; Canart 1979: 89-90. 20

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for an erudite style.26 The same seems to apply to our poem. In fact, Devaris does not commit a single metrical error. Quanto ao vocabulário, é uma combinação eclética de palavras homéricas e formas de palavras (ἀμφασίῃ; ὑπολίίονας; ἂν ἀρθῇ como um conjuntivo prospectivo na frase principal; ἱέμενον mais genitivo, que significa "saudade de algo"; diferentes formas épicas comuns: ἀμφασhood ; ῥά , ἐνί, ἔσπετο, ὕμνοισιν, ἀείρειν, ἀναείρειν, ἐπέων) 27 com componentes pós -clássicos (Διταλάντων, que são usados ​​​​com os autores ἀἀή ἀ δ δ nos autores δ Διταλάντων, que são usados ​​​​com os autores cristãos que eram used by Christian authors (ἀ ἀ δ our authors (δ διταλular, and are used with the authors ἀἀή δ δ δ our authors δ Διταλok, and are used with the authors that were used by authors (Διταλ ἀ ἀ δ δτ δ δταλok, and are used with the authors ἀἀή δ δ δταλok, and are used with the authors ἀἀή δ δ δ δταλω in general.28 As far as sources of poetic vocabulary are concerned, hardly those more or less certain are included in the apparatus of our edition ( see appendix).Epic verses such as ταῦτ' ἄρα, τίς γὰρ, καί ῥ', ἀκρότατος definitely belong to the common humanistic background but of what results in book circulation of poetic vocabulary. Com exceção de dois casos nos epigramas de Lascaris, em que as formas de ἀείρειν no final de um verso hexâmetro (ἀείρειν29) se assemelham ao verso 7 do epigrama de Lascaris, que é dedicado a Alessandra Scala: ὑπέρτερον αὐχέν 'ἀερθείς.31 Bubulidis fala instead of humanist epigrams and relates three passages from Devaris's poems similar to those written by other humanists of Hellenic origin, both earlier and later than Devaris: Demetrius Moschus, Marcus Musurus, Maximus Margunius and others text and poems of Janus Lascaris in the cases cited does not necessarily imply empréstim. It is not surprising that words common to the epigrammatic genre reappeared frequently in different poems of the same author (cf. Devaris' 26).

Meschini 1978: 57-58. Devaris must have been a particularly profound student of the Homeric language, for he prepared an index to Eustathius's Commentaries on Homer (printed 1550, then 1828, see Devarius 1828). 28 Cf. Meschini 1978: 62: "The coexistence of Homeric reminiscences with words from late poetry is typical of literary language composed of humanistic epigrams". See Bubulidis 1961-1962: 399-400. 29 Laskaris 1976, no. 28, verse 5. 30 Laskaris 1976, no. 62, verse 1. 31 Laskaris 1976, no. 15, verse 7. 32 Bubulidis 1961-1962: 401-402. 27

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frequent use of ἀρετι, σεβας, ἄκρος, or vocative δῖε etc.). However, it may be interesting to note some parallels between our text and other epigrams of Devaris not to mention respect to less common words and word combinations. Forms of the word terma are used in clauses both in our poem (terma iamenon and terma akrotatou, verses 4 and 10) as in two others: terma and pelageus (1588, f. b4r, 20; 1835, p. XXVIII, 10 ) ; 33 Fim da dor (1588, f. b3r, 10; 1835, p. XXVI, 10). The Homeric hapax ὑπολιζον is found not only in our epigram (verse 5), but also in another: οὔποθ' ὐποτλαίης ὑπολιζον... (1588, f. c1v, 51, 3; ἀναιρειν, verse 9) is again used not in the same place in a clause, but as an adverb, followed by a similar verbal form: πικινῶς ἀνασειειν (1588, f. b2r, 23; 1835, p. 935). In our Pykino poem it is an attribute of art, in another it is used together with νοος, which is a more common combination (πικινὸς νοος: 1588, f. b4r, 13; 1835, p. XXVIII, 3). Forms of the superlative ἀκροτατος not final of a pentameter verse (τερματος ἀκροτατου, verse 10) occur more than twice: Farnesi' ἀκροτάτε (1588, f. b2r,2; XX); στήσῃ ἐπ 'ἀκροτατης (1558, f. C1V, 18; 1835, p. xxxi, 2).35 The verb ἀποκρουω (verse 11) is also used in its figurative sense. b2r , 13 ; 1835, p. XXIV, 19). In our verse12, the first half of the pentâmeter is σὰς ​​αρετες ηνεπειν, while in another poem by Devaris a pentâmeter begins with σὰς αρετες ηνεποι (1588, f. b4v, 53, 6 ) IX 8; The second half of verse 12 is τοῖον ἔχει με σεβας, while the second half of verse 6 of another epigram is τοῖον ὄρίνε σεβας (Meschini 1978, p.60, poem no. 8). Finally, verse 6 of our text (ὐ ὐ χ χαλεπὸν, πισπαῖς πίστεσι θalπομενος) resembles a verse of another epigram of Devaris: αἰεὶ ταῖῖles μΏΏ. It should be noted that the combination of θαλπω and ἐλπις runs frequently in several later authors (including the Devaris available in printed editions, cf. Philo De migr. Apr. 123,4; Joseph. BJ IV,221,1; Lucian. Trag . 28-29; Basil. Caes. Ep. 92,1, 15), in connection with the faith may be regarded as the birth of Devaris himself. 33

I use the numbers 1588 and 1835 to denote the editions for each year, followed by the folio/page and verso numbers (see #5 above). 34 The 1588 edition attributes this epigram to Peter Devaris, but it is actually a poem by Matthew, adapted by Peter for a new dedicatee. See Bubulidis 1961–1962: 390. Matthew's original can be found at Vat.gr. 1414, f.107r. 35 As in the previous note, this is an epigram attributed to Peter Devaris in the 1588 edition, but is actually a modified poem by Matthew. See Bubulidis 1961–1962: 390. Matthew's original is at Vat.gr. 1414, f.136r (as well as Ambr. N234sup., f.9r, and Ambr. Q114sup., partC, f.24r).

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The text that extols Sirleto's virtues is based on the metaphor of scales or equilibrium. The metaphor of the scales as a measure of moral qualities was widespread in classical and Byzantine literature, so that it is hardly possible to identify a direct source for this key image of the epigram. If we try to reconstruct strict connections between the components of the first part of the poem, regarding the mechanism of the scales (what is the position and posture of the person who climbs the first scale? second scale? etc.) and those of the second part, which deal with the praise of virtues, it is difficult to find an unambiguous interpretation. Perhaps my approach is simplistic, but in my opinion the author's intention was not so refined and he just focused on the balance function. Therefore, the understanding of Libra's metaphor should probably be limited to the following: the idea of ​​the impossibility of exalting the extraordinary virtues of the honoree is represented by the image of a device, a part of which technically cannot be exalted as high as the virtues of Sirleto . would deserve. The logical transitions in the text are supported by lexical parallelisms: ἀκροτέρου τέρματος, verse 4, ἀκροτάταις δ ἀρεταῖς, verse 7 and τέρματος ἀἀς ἀἀἀ, verse 1; ὑπέρτατον, verse 3, and ὑπέρβασις, verse 10; ὕμνοισιν ἀείρειν, verse 5 and τέχναις πυκιναῖς ἀναείρειν, verse 9. Furthermore, the structure of the poem is reinforced by a ring composition by the occurrence of the tentative verb verse of the verb of ἀἀ &iges. Virtues, while the original intention to do so - at this point on the scale - was expressed by a word with the same root, ὑποκρουσάμενος, at the end of verse 2. Finally, if we consider the alliteration (repeated /r/) in verse 2, 3, 4, 10 and 11 as intentional, we can think of another technique to tie the text together. Certainly a deeper (and perhaps more correct) analysis of this epigram will be possible within the framework of a comprehensive study of the Devaris poems, which remains a desideratum, as well as its complete critical edition37 and a fundamental study of the life and work of the Greek humanist.38

36

I owe this idea to Martin Steinrück. Bubulidis promised (1961–1962:403 n.2) to prepare a complete edition which apparently was never published. 38 The lack of such a study was pointed out by Meschini 1978:54 n.4 and recently by Muratore 2009 (vol.1): 54 n.5. 37

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Bibliography I. St. Petersburg Manuscripts, Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Archives, Department of Western Europe Cardboard 671, No. 54 (Epigram of Matthew Devaris) Vatican City, Vatican Library Vat. GR. 1414 (Several of the Roles of Janus Lascaris and Matthew Devaris) VAT GR. 1902 (Various collections of Guglielmo Sirleto) Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana Ambr. No. 156 sup. (Miscellaneous) Amb. No. 234 sup. (Miscellaneous) Ambr.P 242 sup. (Miscellaneous) Ambr.Q 114 sup. (Several)

II. Ancient Books Bethulejus, Xystus (Birck, Sixt) (1545). Welcome to the snowstorm. The Eight Books of the Sibylline Oracles [...] of Xystus Betuleius Augustanus. Basel: Oporinus. (VD16 S 6277; Jerome/Greek Spirit No. 460). Devarius, Matthew (1588). Matthew Devari's book on parts of the Greek language. Rome: Francesco Zanetti. (EDIT 16 CNCE 16921).

III. Modern Works Agathi, Maria Luisa (2000). 'Pietro Devaris di Corfù, scribe librarian Vaticanus: l'identification di uno "Pseudo-Onorio".' - Patoura, Sophia (ed.), Escrita grega nos seculos 15 e 16 Athens: Institute of Byzantine Research, 215–259. Boubulidis, Phaidon (1961–1962) = Boubulidis, Phaidon (1961–1962). 'Os Epigramas de Matthew Devar.'- Anuário Científico da Escola Filosófica da Universidade de Atenas XII, 387-411 Boubulidis, Phaidon (1962) = Boubulidis, Phaidon (1962). Estudiosos gregos depois de Alosin, T.B ': Os epigramas de Matthew Devaris. Athens: ele Canart, Paul (1970). Codex Vaticani Graeci. Codices 1745–1962, vol. 1. Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca apostólica Vaticana. Canart, Paul (1979). Les Vaticani Graeci 1487-1962. Notes from the Documents of a História de um Fundo Manuscrito da Bibliothèque Vaticane. Cidade do Vaticano: Biblioteca apostólica Vaticana. Ceresa, Massimo (1991). 'Matteo Devaris.'- Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol.39 Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 513–516.

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DeMaio, Romeo (1962). 'La Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana sotto PaoloIV e PioIV (1555–1565).'- Collectanea Vaticana in honorem Anselmi M. Card. Albareda, Vol. 1 Vatican City: Vatican Apostolic Library, 265–313. Denzler, Georg (1964). Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (1514–1585): Life and Work. A contribution to reform identical to the evening. (Munich Theological Studies; 17.) Munich: Hueber. Devarius, Matthew (1828). Index of Eustathius' Commentaries on Homer's Iliad and Odyssey. Leipzig: J.A.G. Weigel. Devarius, Matthew (1835). Matthew Devari's Book on the Parts of the Greek Language, ed. Reinhold Klotz, Vol. 1. Leipzig: The costs were covered by the Baumgärtner bookstore. Gamillscheg, Ernst; Harlfinger, Dieter; Hunger, Herbert; Eleutheri, Paulo (1981-1997). Repertory of Greek Copyists 800–1600, volumes 1–3. Vienna: Publishing house of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Klimanov, LevG. (2012a) = Klimanov, L.G. (2012a). "Н.П. Likhachev "in search of the desired elements of a great diplomatic exposition".' ['Ν.P Likhachev "In search of the desired connections of the great diplomatic exhibition".] — Bolshakov, Andrey;Stepanova, Elena (ed.), "Alone in written words..." On the 150th anniversary of birth by Academician N.P. Likhachev . Exhibition catalog . Petersburg: The State Hermitage Publishers, 36–48. Klimanov, LevG. (2012b) = Klimanov, L.G. (2012b). "Н.П. Likhachev collector and his connections: antiquities, collectors, scholars (from various sources).' ['N.P. Likhachev as a collector and his relatives: antique dealers, collectors, scholars.'] – Bolshakov, Andrey; Stepanova, Elena (ed.), "Alone in Written Words ..." On the 150th anniversary of the birth of Academician N.P. Likhachev. exhibition catalogue. St. Petersburg: The State Hermitage Publishers, 565-593. Laskaris, Giano (1976). Greek epigrams edited by Anna Meschini. Padua: Liviana. Legrand, Emile (1885). Bibliography hellénique ou description raisonnée des ouvrages published in grec par des grecs aux XVe et XVIe siècles, t. 2. Paris: Ernest Leroux. Meschini, Anna (1978). "Epigrammi unediti di Matteo Devaris." - Miscellanea [dell'Istituto di studi Bizantini e neollenici dell'Università di Padova] I, 53-67. Meschini, Anna (1981). Michele Sofianos. Padua: Liviana. Muratore, Davide (2009). The library of cardinale Niccolò Ridolfi, volumes 1–2. Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso.

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Appendix. Edition of poem by Matthew Devaris. E ῥ' ῥ' polyzizonas ed' aretes ymnoisin airein ou halepon, possibes pisteisi thalpomenas, you hear d' aretes seva skewer and mega thambos, amfasia peon glissan epistomeon. For there is no reason for you to be proud; for what do you exaggerate beyond measure? So, sir, see, his virtues were rejected so, you have respect for him.

5

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5 Rechner: Hom. Il.XVIII,5197 mega thambos: AR I, 220 8 ἀμφασιῃ ἐπεον: Hom. Abb. XVII, 695; Od. IV,704399 Pykina-Kunst: (?) Oder. Geschwister. I,1344012 hat Respekt vor mir: Hom. Od.III,123; IV,75, 142; VI,161; VIII,384 1ditalanton, (Komma) ms;2ῥᾶσθ’ (kein Jota) ms. Bechmaal lässt Devaris es auch in den Epigrammen aus dem Vat.gr weg. 1414; material rodante: (Doppelpunkt) ms; 3ὑπερτατον, (Komma) ms; οὐκ ἔτ’ ms? ἀρθῆ (kein Jota) ms; 5Kai ρ’ (kein Spiritus) ms? ἀρετὰς, (Komma) ms;6ἐλπομενας (keine Satzzeichen) ms;7ἔσπετο, (Komma) ms;8ἐπεων, (Komma) ms;9ἐστὶ ms; ἀναηρειν (keine Satzzeichen) ms;11ἄρα (keine Satzzeichen) ms;12ἐνεπειν: (Doppelpunkt) ms.

Translation (1-2) Just as if you were to very quickly lift one of the same two lower two-talent weights (3-4) after it had reached the top, it would not rise any further. (5-6) Thus it is not difficult to praise lesser virtues, supported by plausible evidence, with hymns, (7-8), while the highest virtues are always followed by reverent awe, and immense admiration fastens the tongue to muteness. (9) Indeed, it is impossible to exalt with the skillful art of words. (10) Indeed, what transgression of the maximum limit could there be? (11-12) So, divine Sirleto, after a long desire to describe your virtues, I failed: such fear dominates me.

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Many epic poems have the word ἀμφασίη, but not in combination with ἐπέων. Devaris seems to be the only author to apply this pleonastic combination of Homer as um whole. 40 The Sibylline Oracle was first published in 1545 and may be noted by Devaris (Σιβυλλιακῶν χρησμῶν λόγοι ὀκτώ. Sibyllinorum oraculorum libri octo Beumle [...], per 15 Xystum Augustan5).

A new epigram by Matthew Devaris

SICK. 2. The poem by Matthew Devaris. St. Petersburg, Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Archives, Department of Western Europe, Box 671, No. 54, f. 1r.

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Summary Matthew Devaris, one of the preeminent Hellenists of sixteenth-century Rome, is known, among other things, as the author of Greek epigrams. Some of them were printed in 1588 in the preface to his Liber de Graecae linguae particulis. Moreover, several epigrams were published in 1962 by Faidon Bubulidis and some others in 1978 by Anna Meschini Pontani. Meschini Pontani assumed that the corpus of Devaris' epigrams could be larger. In fact, one of his obscure poems surfaced recently in an unexpected place. A sheet of paper preserved in the archives of the St. Petersburg Institute of History (box 671, No. 54) is a signed copy of his epigram dedicated to Guglielmo Sirleto, apparently an autograph. Its original publication is offered here, along with an introduction and some remarks on Devaris' possible sources.

VERSO GREGO DE DAMIANUS BENESSA Vlado Rezar

Introduction A more intensive examination of the literary legacy of Greek antiquity did not begin in Latin-speaking Europe until the mid-fifteenth century, when large numbers of learned Greeks left their homeland and fled to Italy. This coincided with the publication of the first printed books, and the new invention also contributed greatly to the growing interest and wide dissemination of classical Greek texts in the learned West.1 After the introduction of Greek type in 1465, the first complete text for the year 1474 printed in Greek at Brescia, i.e. PseudoHomer's Batrachomyomachia. Fourteen years after Valla's Latin translation of the Iliad and Odyssey in 1474, the Greek original was edited and published in Florence in 1488 by Demetrius Chalcondyles. The editio princeps of Hesiod and Isocrates was printed in 1493, and from 1495 to 1498 Aristotle's collected works appeared in five volumes.2 Latin Europe had the chance to experience it

1

Of course, classical cultural heritage has been of interest in the West before that. Francesco Petrarch (1304–1374) owned his own handwritten copy of Homer's poems, although he never mastered Greek to a level that would allow him to read the epics in the original. Its young scholar Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–1375) brought to Florence a professor of Greek, the Calabrian Leonzio Pilato (died 1364), and during his service (1360–1362) Pilate made a prose translation into Latin of the Iliad and the Odyssey. However, the first teacher with significant influence on the development of Greek philology in the West was Manuel Chrysoloras of Constantinople (1355-1415). He came to Florence at the invitation of Salutati and from 1397 to 1400 trained a generation of influential scholars, including Leonardo Bruni (1370–1444), Guarino Veronese (1374–1360), and Ambrogio Traversari (1386–1439). The most celebrated follower of his work was Ioannis Argyropoulos of Constantinople (1415-1487), who came to Italy before the fall of Constantinople and taught Greek and philosophy in Florence and Rome until his death. Another famous teacher of Greek was Theodore Gaza of Thessalonica (1410–1475), who also wrote an influential Greek grammar (printed in 1495) and translated several of Aristotle's works into Latin. See Marsh 2010: 210-211. 2 The number of Greek incunabula varies between 63 and 66. For a detailed list, see the Catalog of Short Titles of Incunabula (ISTC); Layton 1979.

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the famous collection of epigrammatic Greek poetry known as the Anthologia Planudea in 1494, when it was first printed in Florence. The corpus of 2400 Greek epigrams was edited by Janus Lascaris (1445-1534), a refugee from Constantinople and a prominent Greek scholar.3 During his famous public reading of selected Greek epigrams in Florence in 1493, he praised the Planudean compilation as the Book of which cannot be topped because it presented both the richness of the Greek language and the universal wisdom of life, all succinctly but gracefully. Consequently, he recommended the following to his audience: Haec epigrammata itaque transferat uncommon, in your se oblectet, haec imitatur, in your se exercitat qui praeter alias utilitas tale quid etiam et tentare cupit et perficere. who read, translate, and even write Greek poetry of their own, based on ancient Greek models, found their most visible attention in the poetic efforts of another recognized member of the late Quattrocento Italian humanist elite, the Florentine poet Angelo Poliziano (1454–1494). .5 Right in the Middle In 1493 and 1494, Poliziano added 30 newly composed Greek poems to the existing collection of his youthful Greek poetry. As he died suddenly in the same year, his Greek collection, which reached a total of 50 epigrams, was soon published posthumously by the publishing house along with his Latin works in 1498 in Venice.

3 Lascaris was born in Constantinople, but his humanistic appellation Rhyndacenus refers to the location of his family roots, Rhyndacus, in Asia Minor. The Latin West owes him the discovery of numerous valuable manuscripts of classical Greek authors (about 200 of which he collected in 1492 in the monasteries of Mount Athos). In addition, Lascaris prepared printed editions of four tragedies by Euripides and works by Callimachus, Apollonius of Rhodes, and Lucian. In the service of the French kings (Charles VIII, Louis XII, Francis I), he established the study of Greek philology in France and, together with his famous student Guillaume Budé, founded the Fontainebleau library, nucleus of what later became the National Library from France. See Sandy 1996: 739-740. 4 The full citation is as follows: De epigrammatis quoque hoc unum satis in praesentia fuerit: our useful books possess consequi de linguam e eruditionem de iudicium circa human actions and ad morum et uitaepositionem have nothing to do with them. So much is in eo uarietas, so much copy and nominum and rerum, so exquisite iudicia de rebus fere omnibus, what in humanis actionibus incidere possunt, cum so much brevitate and elegance, both lepore and uenere, ut sapientissimorum omnium ingenium e iudicium non sine philotimia e concertation square in one hundred collatum books that existimes. Haec epigrammata itaque transferat unusquisque, in his se oblectet, haec imitetur, in his se Exerciseat qui praeter alias utilitas tale quid etiam et tentare cupit et perficere. Quem e in soluta oratione haudquaquam rhytmum et concinnitatem et numerum comprehend tender force and forma poteris, nisi prius carminibus saltem luseris et modulis. See Müllner 1899: 143. 5 It is not only his Italian and Latin poetry that ranks among the most important poetic achievements of the Italian Quattrocento; Poliziano's philological work on the texts of classical authors also surpassed the standards of his time and paved the way for modern textual criticism. See Reynolds, Wilson 1999:143-146; Grafton 1983: 9-44.

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Print works by the most famous editor of Greek literature of the Renaissance, Aldo Manuzio. 6 As surprising as it may seem at first sight, given the great interest in the ancient Greek language and its literature in the Res publica literaria, the fact is that, in addition to Poliziano's Greek collection and a recently published collection of 44 Greek poems entitled Peri Psychagogias, written by Poliziano's older contemporary Francesco Filelfo (1398-1481), there were no comparable attempts in all of the Italian Quattrocento to compose a collection of genuine poems in the second most important language medium, humanism.7 Furthermore , only isolated excursions into the realm of Greek poetry—apart from Greeks living in Italy—was quite rare among learned humanists.8 The relevant literature and Kristeller's indispensable catalog of humanistic manuscripts cite a single Greek epigram by Chrysoloras' student, Ambrogio Traversari (1386–1439), two Greek sonnets by Cyriacus of Ancona (Ciriaco de' Pizzicolli, 1391–1455), some occasional Greek Po Ems by Scipio Forteguerra (Scipione Forteguerri (Carteromaco), 1466–1515), Giovanni Battista Buoninsegni (1453–1512), and Andrea Dazzi (1473–1548), all excellent teachers of Greek; However, only a graceful Greek epigram by Alessandra Scala (1475–1506), dedicated to Poliziano and published alongside her own Greek epigrams, achieved fame.9 Thus, the status of genuine Greek poetry at the turn of the century can best be achieved through the words of the editor of Poliziano's Greek verses, Zenobio Acciaiolo (Zanobi Acciaiuoli (Azaroli), 1461–1519). He did not hesitate to describe contemporary Italian literary production in Greek: In hoc quoq(ue) genere scriptionis, in quo Latini paulummodo mussitantes gloriari

6

The continued appearance of Polizian's own Greek verse can hardly be interpreted as his warm or benevolent response to Lascaris's warning, but rather as an attempt to prove his own philological and poetic superiority. A strong intellectual rivalry between the two scholars was notorious, further aggravated by the fact that both were in love with the same person, the Florentine noblewoman Alessandra Scala. See Pontani 2002: XXIV–XXIX; XLVI; Lauxtermann 2009: 52-53. 7 Pontani 2002: XLIII-XLV. See also Cortassa, Maltese 1997. 8 As for Greek scholars in Italy, Lascaris was by far the most prolific poet, with over fifty original Greek epigrams published along with his Latin epigrams in Paris in 1527 (for a modern edition, see Meschini 1976 ). . Other Greek-born contemporaries of Lascaris living in Italy whose poetry in ancient Greek has been mentioned in the literature were Cardinal Bessarion (1403–1472) as author of his own epitaph, then Andronico Callisto (died before 1487), protégé of Bessarion and Greek teacher in Florence with four Greek epigrams and Marco Musuro (1470-1517), pupil of Lascaris, with a few occasional poems in Greek. See Hody 1742. 9 See Kristeller 1962–1992. For Scala's epigram, see Pontani 2002:141–152.

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solemus.10 As for the rest of the Latin West, there can be little doubt that the famous medieval words "Graeca sunt, non leguntur" still accurately described the attitude towards the Greek language in Polizian's time. This is clearly confirmed by the fact that the history of printing records only about 65 Greek incunabula of exclusively Italian origin, compared to an impressive number of about 40,000 Latin incunabula published throughout the Old Continent. If you do, note the only attested case of humanist Greek poetry on the east coast of the Adriatic around the turn of the century, attributed to the humanist poet from Ragusa Damianus Benessa.

The Ragusan humanist poet Damianus Benessa (1476–1539) Benessa was one of only four Ragusan humanist poets whose work has almost completely survived. Although his poetry never received as much attention and recognition as the poetic works of his contemporaries and fellow citizens, the amorous elegiist Carolus Puteus (Karlo Pucić, 1458–1522), poet laureate Aelius Lampridius Cerva (Ilija Crijević, 1463–1520) and master from the Epic Jacobus Bonus (Jakov Bunić, 1469–1534), Benessa is notable as a poet who surpassed his contemporaries in the extent of his humanistic commitment, challenging his artistic abilities in almost all representative poetic genres of the time, both linguistic carriers of humanism – Latin and Greek—and created a body of work that is remarkable, if for nothing else, at least for its depth.12 It is not known where, when, or what kind of education he received, but he was definitely not a "professional" humanist. . Like many other Ragusans, he was involved in maritime trade and traveled from Britain to Asia, but also during his travels he devoted himself sincerely to poetry and philology. On his last journey before retirement, he confirmed his humanistic devotion by editing and publishing an octave edition of the longest Roman epic poem, Opus de secundo bello Punico by Silius Italicus, in Lyon in 1514/13

10

Pontani 2002: XLIII (in the preface to the Aldus edition of Poliziano's Opera omnia, Venice 1498, κκ 1 verse, at: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00050563/image_896). 11 See Layton 1979: 53-67. 12 The Latin poetry of the poets mentioned here can be found at CroALa (http://www.ffzg.unizg.hr/klafil/croala/). 13 This edition was much appreciated by later editors of the Silius epic, but is of particular interest today as an early counterfactual to Aldo's Italic. See Pray 2013.

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As for his own poetic legacy, more than 16,000 lines have been preserved and collected in two manuscripts, including the elegist-inspired Roman love poems of his youth, the poetic fruits of his mature years devoted to religious and political themes, and finally the works of his last years, having as the apex of his poetic work the impressive Christian epic De morte Christi, composed in almost 8,500 hexameters.14 His intellectual profile would not be complete without mentioning the fact that he also proved to be a writer of elegant Latin Epistles, written in the best humanistic anti-Turkic style, addressed to three European monarchs, Ferdinand I, Charles V and Francis I, who appeal to Christian unity and resistance against the Turkish threat.15 The prose epilogue of Benessa's poetic collection, probably written in 1539 , reveals the gravity of the author's intention to publish his recently completed works. However, it seems that Benessa's plans were thwarted by his sudden death and his work received an extremely poor literary reception in the following centuries. The autograph manuscript of Benessa's Christian epic was only published in 2006, the other in 2017.16 This one, also autographed, contains a smaller volume of his poems with a total of more than 8,000 Latin verses. The poems are divided into three books of epigrams, one book of eclogues, two books of poetry and one book of satires. The apparently humanistic concept of this poetic enterprise, which draws on genre models from classical antiquity, is further emphasized by the seven Latin interpretations of Greek epigrams in the Benessa Planudean Anthology, and in particular by the nine original Benessa epigrams in ancient Greek.

14

The epic De morte Christi is a work from the last years of the poet, but this did not prevent him from composing in such a demanding literary genre. In terms of content and concept, Benessa's epic is an obvious reaction to Girolamo Vida's innovative epic Christias (1535), by showing an in medias res narrative approach and inserting scenes that do not belong to the Biblical-Christian canon. After the first introductory song, which in a certain way constitutes the conceptual stage for the action of the epic, Benessa dedicates three songs to the elaboration of the theme of the Last Supper, three to the theme of the questioning of Christ before the assembly of the Jews and Pilate, and three to the theme of death and resurrection. The result is an atypical epic, as its narrative is interspersed with extensive contemplative interludes, bringing it closer to a narrative poem. 15 Latin letters have only recently been discovered and published. See Rezar 2012. 16 See Rezar 2006 and 2017. Both manuscripts are preserved in Dubrovnik, the former in the Research Library (call number 4) and the latter in the Franciscan Archives (call number 78).

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Benessa's Greek Epigrams: The Context This particular section of Benessa's work, a total of 30 elegiac couplets, is unique among the surviving works of Croatian humanist poets and therefore of indisputable importance for Croatian cultural history. The poems in Benessa's epigram books are presented in chronological order, and the Greek epigrams are interspersed among the predominant Latin poems in the three books. Judging by their location in the collection, it can be roughly estimated that the Greek epigrams were composed between 1510 and 1530. Since he was born in 1476 and died in 1539, the dating of the Greek poems could easily lead us to conclude that Benessa was not interested by the Greek in his early years. It is therefore important to note that his epigram, written in ancient Greek and found at the end of the first book of Epigrams, was preceded by six (of seven) Benessa's Latin adaptations of Greek epigrams by Meleager, Macedonian, Philip of Thessalonica, Alpheus of Mytilene , Tymneus, and an epigram belonging to the adespot category The quite convincing terminus post quem, which is the year 1494 in which the Anthologia Planudea was first published, leads us to conclude that Benessa's poetic efforts in the last years of the fifteenth century century from the beginning, interest was in the Latin and Greek languages, or their ancient literary heritage.18 The same logic suggests that his fascination with Greek poetry did not diminish in his later years either, if we take a look at his poetic Latin version of the poem Εἰς τὴν ἐν ταῖς νηστείαις σιωπήν (Carmina de se ipso 34, PG37, p.1307) by Gregory Nazianzus. Its place in the manuscript near the end along

17

Benessas Epigrams I,2 and I,4 feature Latin versions of Meleagros V,215 and V,176, Benessas I,12 translates Macedonius' V,224, Benessas I,13 translates Philip IX,293, Benessas I, 21 translates Alpheus' IX.526, Benessas II.7 translates VII.433 of Tymneus, and finally Benessas I.10 is a Latin version of adespoton IX.126. 18 The first epigram of the collection is truncated and only the last line can be partially read as Verbéribus rident posse. If this epigram was also a Latin adaptation of a Greek original, it cannot be read from these remaining words. Benessa's Latin version of Meleagros V.215 gives us a picture of her youthful poetic abilities: Liber epigr. 1:2 (AMB78, f.2) Sodes, take the feathers of Heliodora for me: the muse bows if nothing pities me! For you and the bow and stakes that only hurt me for so long I swear child or if you kill me I'll leave a voice behind the funeral that will scream that love was a killer after all.

AP 5.215 Lissom', Cupid, let Heliodora's desires sleep, we beg you. Yes, because not your bows, the ignorant shoot at others, but don't shoot arrows at me, if you also have me, I lack a voice generated by a letter: "Love here, come, suddenly."

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with the chosen theme itself, suggests that this is poetry from the last decade of his life. pedagogical context of intellectual literature that gave him such deep philological competence. To date, there is no evidence linking Benessa to any of the Italian or French academies or universities attended by Ragusan nobles at the time. However, it can be assumed that the primary school in Ragusa made possible a full humanistic education as early as the second half of the 15th century. In fact, we know that the lyceum was directed by the Italian humanist Daniele Clario, in the words of Aldo "vir utraque lingua doctus", in the period 1482-1505, and it is exactly during this period that Benessa may have attended the college. 20 His elder fellow citizen was also Ioannes Gotius (Ivan Gučetić, 1451–1502), a humanist whose Latin poetry was highly praised by Angelo Poliziano and who is said to have been the first to introduce ancient Greek literature to Ragusa.21 Finally, another scholar , The Contemporary of Benessa , the Benedictine historian and humanist Ludovicus Cervarius Tubero (Ludovik Crijević, 1458–1527), did not fail to mention in his work that the educated citizens of Ragusa, the city that offered temporary asylum to many Greek refugees on their way from Italy, were in their time well acquainted with the classical languages ​​and their literatures.22 19

For Benessa's Latin translation of Gregory's poem, see Bricko 1992:238–249. Aldus Manutius Romanus to James Sanazarus, a patrician from Neapolitan and knight of the illustrious S.P.D.: George Interianuas of Genoa, a rich man, came to Venice a year ago, he is kind and, of course, very humane, and also because of Daniel Clarius of Parma, a man versed in both languages, who in the city of Rhacus publicly professes good letters with the highest praise, instructed him to greet me by name... See Affo 1791: 62. 21 Poliziano's opinion of the poetry of Gotius is given in his Letter to Gotius of 1483 presented, and we quote one sentence, Who is not surprised to hear of an Illyrian man, engaged in clearing and selling wares (as Plautus says), while still prospering in years , has he in all poetry taken such great strides that not only for the men of his time, but for antiquity itself? See Butler 2006: 278–280. In eulogizing the tomb of Gotius, Cerva said the following: For he was the first who, as far as we remember, brought into the country the Veneres of Attica and the Myrothecion of Isocrates (...) See Škunca 1971 : 186. handwritten copy of 57 of Aesop's Fables and several shorter texts in ancient Greek, made by the hand of Gotius and kept in Dubrovnik until 1530, have been preserved in the Bodleian Library (Laud MS 9). A description of the manuscript can be found in Coxe's catalog (Coxe 1853:496). 22 Cf. Pray 2016a. One such refugee was the famous Latin poet Michele Marullo Tarchaniota (1453-1500), who spent his early years in the city and later even wrote a praise poem De laaudibus Rhacusae in 15 alcaic stanzas. The poem can be read here: http://www.ffzg.unizg.hr/klafil/croala/cgi-bin/getobject.pl?c.25:1.laud 20

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Before detailing the content and main features of the Greek epigrams of Benessas, we still need to consider the question of their transmission and reception. From contemporaries, there are only two reactions to Benessa's alphabetical poetic attempts by her contemporaries. The author of the first poem, written between 1510 and 1520 and dedicated to a younger fellow poet, is the aforementioned Aelius Lampridius Cerva, a friend of Benessa and a great poetic influence. Indeed, by referring in the poem to the Anien (Anio, Teverone) of Italy and the Meles of Asia Minor, two river symbols of late ancient poetry, he alludes to Benessa's prosperous association with the Latin and Greek muses: Damio, primaeuis multum Fastest in years Retired game to ask the old man. And once, my gods alone, you brightened Camoena's sorrow and echoed her years. You drew the verdant laurel of the green in the old and welcomed the new murmur of the water. But now I see my laurels withering, That Rome tied me with her own hand, And that she gave us from the fountain of Quirinus, Puluereus is a stream of dry water. It behooves you, therefore, to lead the choirs of Ania's cups to the waves, and the Meletaeans because of the waters; Eternity would laugh at my dance. As for you, Walter is not Aelius: he was. 23

The second testimony that Benessa's philological expertise was recognized and admired by her contemporaries comes from Nicolaus Petreius Corcyreus (1486-1568), then Dean of Ragusa High School. Probably in the early 1540s he wrote an epitaph for Benessa with the appropriate title: Epitaphium Damiani Benesii patricii Ragusini, uiri utraque lingua doctissimi.24 Over the next 250 years, Benessa's Greek and Latin heritage faded into oblivion. Antonius Agich (1753–1830), a Ragusan Franciscan and self-proclaimed Latinist, antiquarian and poet, tried to save it from oblivion

23

See Novaković 2004: 228–229. The entire epitaph reads as follows: Parca's woes led from her damian / guiding the threads. But the learned and arts of the breast, / And Sophia begat eternal ages. See Biblioteca comunale Augustea, Perugia, MSG99, f.64v. For Latin translations from Petreius' Greek, see this link: http://croala.ffzg.unizg.hr/basex/croalabib-opera-index. 24

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at the beginning of the 19th century.25 Despite being badly damaged, he copied the two aforementioned manuscripts, which contained Benessa's poems, except for the verses in Greek, which the Franciscan did not know well. Precisely for this reason, in 1816 he took Benessa's autograph with him to the island of Corfu, where he was invited to preach Lenten sermons in the hope that the learned Greeks there would help him to interpret the poems in Greek, to include their Latin translation in his Copy of Benessa's manuscripts. However, the Greeks were unable to read Benessa's verses, let alone translate them, and so Agich finally sought the help of Girolamo Amati when he visited Rome that same year. Amati was a scribe who worked on Greek texts in the Vatican Library and was considered the most accomplished Greek paleographer in Rome, to whom texts were brought that others could not decipher, accompanied by the note hi codices quidem Amatio soli legendi reseruantur (i.e., only Amati can read this). Interestingly, even after a few days of studying the manuscript, even Amati became frustrated with Benessa's Greek epigrams, finding them largely unintelligible and untranslatable—in other words, devoid of any substantive, aesthetic, or grammatical value.26 Yet , Amati copied six of the nine epigrams in legible Greek script and translated them literally into Latin, and Agich later included only Amati's Latin translation in his own transcription of Benessa's poems, considering the Greek transcription unnecessary. Unfortunately, Amati's written account disappeared without a trace, along with the aforementioned Greek transcription.27 The next person to study Benessa's Greek poems, exactly one hundred years after Agich and Amati, was the respected Croatian philologist Đuro Körbler. Using Benessa's first love poetry, Körbler also summarizes the content of the Greek poems he found in the manuscript. Furthermore, he provided a copy of the Greek original for two epigrams, while other epigrams are referred to only by their titles. Finally, as a curiosity, Körbler recounts Amati's assessment of Benessa's Greek poems, as reported by Agich, that Greek verses hardly deserve to be called Greek because they leave much to be desired due to incorrect accents, incorrect morphology, incorrect syntax , etc.

25

See Rezar 2005: 84. Agich tells us about this in his preface to the transcription of the Benessa manuscripts (Franciscan Archives in Dubrovnik, n. 256, pp. V-10). Quoting Amati's words is as follows: if I collectively about all this, so many clumsy senses in them, corrupted words, perverse constructions, violating the laws of true quantity, neglecting the system of accents, like a magician as in Latin, in unfortunate, and if they can be called Greeks, then the author of the poems is to blame here. 27 Our attempt to locate it in Agich's collection of letters in the Franciscan Archive was unsuccessful. 26

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even meaningless semantics, and Agich, who also disliked copying Benessa's poetry, did not fail to mention that he had included Amati's account in his copy to ensure that no one would be misled by the undeserved praise Cerva once bestowed on Benessa attributed to the Greek poetry! Even Körbler, who incidentally was also not particularly impressed with Benessa, found this critical eye too harsh, but in his final words he took the edge off Amati by arguing that Benessa had put a lot of effort into her writing, and that should be her salvation. 28 Finally, Benessa's Latin version of Gregory Nazianzus's Greek elegy has recently been subjected to a thorough philological analysis.29 A comparison between the two texts led the author of the study to conclude that it was because he interpreted the verses with so much skill and feeling translated from one language to the other, Benessa would undoubtedly have an excellent command of both languages.

Benessa's Greek Epigrams This is the general context that has led to this recent attempt to present Benessa's Greek poetry as a whole. From the foregoing, it's clear that those who tried to do the same before us may have stumbled a bit on the first step, as just reading Benessa's script was a huge hassle. The enlarged photos (see appendix) of the manuscript text speak for themselves, and this last philological attempt would not have been successful either if a complete scan of the manuscript had not been carried out shortly before the restoration, some 15 years ago, as the Restoration spared the manuscript before death but reduced its readability. The Greek paleographic compendiums were also very helpful, but thanks to the philological work already done by Körbler, and in particular to Benessa's own Greek transcription of Gregory of Nazianzus' elegy, written together with its Latin translation, deciphering the peculiarities of Benessa's Greek script much become easier (see Fig.1). As a result, a textual reconstruction of all 60 Greek verses from Benessa finally succeeded, of course with the possible need for different readings, but almost without a single gap. What is surprising is that the last three epigrams, which Amati declared completely incomprehensible, seem to work well in this textual reconstruction in terms of grammar and content, which is not always the case in the rest of Benessa's Greek poetry.

28 29

See Körbler 1915: 218–252. See note 19.

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SICK. 1. Benessa's copy of Gregory Nazianzen's elegy (AMB78, ff.145v–149).

Occasional morphological irregularities that are not difficult to notice and interpret correctly (e.g. θρέξα for θρέψα, ἄστρεσι for ἀστράσι) are not that problematic, but, as Amati correctly pointed out, the following is indubitable: almost systematic misuse of diacritical characters, omission widespread use of the iota index, arbitrary marking of omissions and generally sloppy writing with irregular spacing between letters and words, which makes it difficult to articulate words and, consequently, to interpret the written text. Sporadic misspelled vowel sets (στεριζόμενος to στηριζόμενος, ἠμή to ἐμή), as well as archaisms and dialectalisms (mainly eolisms and dorysms), used sometimes for metric and other stylistic reasons, can further confuse the editor. As for the content of the epigrams, in general it can be said that the subjects are conventional and range from love problems to epitaphs and spiritual subjects. The first (I,30), composed of three elegiac couplets at the end of the first book of epigrams, was certainly written before 1515 and represents the poet's farewell to love poetry.30 The second epigram (II,21) is composed of two elegiac couplet epigrams, is an epitaph dedicated to fellow citizen and poet Carolus Puteus von Benessa, who died in 1522.31 The following (II,22),

30

Amati's prose translation of 1:30: Liras faithful to me when I was very fond of you, / you are witnesses how much I love to serve the Cyprides: / No sweeter as before, depart from me with a troubled spirit of back, / For now all his grace is gone. / Indeed, the memory of beautiful words is dead, / so that nothing remains to be trusted. See AMB256, p.600. 31 Amati's prose translation of 2:21: Do you know who you see dead while I was alive / Who was I and whose office was I claimed to be? / I was Karl. surnamed Puteus, a poet of art, / art, whose art and life he lamented fate at the same time. See AMB256, p.601.

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the longest consists of six elegiac lines praising Christ and his love.32 This is followed by an epitaph (II,27) composed of three elegiac lines and dedicated to fellow citizen Michael Bonus, who died in 1523.33 The last two epigrams of the second Book of Epigrams is an adaptation of the ancient Greek epigram about a Spartan mother who kills her fugitive son, composed of two elegiac verses (II,36),34 and a poem about the Holy Eucharist, again in two elegiac verses (II,38). three remaining Greek epigrams are written successively in the third book of Epigrams (III, 26–28): the Latin elegy immediately following, lamenting the death of Benessa's fellow citizen, Jacobus Bonus, who died in 1534, suggests a precise term post quem non. The first consists of four elegiac verses and explains the nature of the relationship between earth and heaven; the second, of equal length, discusses the importance of peace for human well-being; the last, again consisting of four elegiac couplets, dedicated to a certain Constantine, pessimistically laments a bizarre fate. vice versa in Renaissance humanistic poetry, and Benessa herself did both,

32

Amati's prose translation of 2:22: Who benefits from knowing and thinking a lot? / For such things avail nothing to the wise. / Goodbye, the arts and the different characters in books, / As always lives the soul, because you don't have it. / Only Christ is enough for me, and I can only have him / the leader of mortals, on whom everything depends. / For this is the end, this way and the glorious gain; / But the whole world is but a lie. / Return to the arts, return to book characters, / Show me love, (show) Christ. / This is most useful, this is wise, that even if he proposed all the damage /, he does not know the measure. See AMB256, p.601. 33 Amati's Prose Translation of 2:27: Such a man died leaving many in tears, / He who was friend of all was loved by all. / And indeed he was good indeed, to whom the name of the house is good, / and to those who had good manners, body and soul. / We are sorry: but you, Michael, rest, / And take the calls of the dead here. See AMB256, p.602. 34 Amati's prose translation of II,36: A certain fugitive from battle was smothered by his mother, saying / Shame must be cast from my hands, etc...: this epigram is grossly distorted from the epigram in the anthology. See AMB256, p.602. 35 Amati's Prose Translation of 2:38: Now we are offered bread, which the angel eats / And mortal satisfied with it finishes it. / O wonder, God is great, for a rational mouth speaks, / And the mind's incomprehensible things are at hand. See AMB256, p.602. 36 Of the first of these, Amati said the following: Also in this epigram, the meaning is not clear and the construction is perverse and doubtful, so that he is reluctant to copy and translate. His commentary on the second is similar to the first. Finally, Amati treated the latter thus: Sufferings and diseases and absolutely other evils are endless / to which our miserable lives succumb, / of course all virtues are always good, etc. See AMB256, pp. 602-603.

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as we have already seen his Latin interpretations of seven ancient Greek epigrams. As for his Greek epigrams, judging by their location in the manuscript collection, both were models for Latin translations and interpretations of earlier Latin poems. The last three Greek epigrams in the collection lack Latin counterparts for no apparent reason. Before concluding, let us briefly summarize the general philological characteristics of Benessa's Greek poetry by analyzing one of his epigrams (ILL.2):

CRANK. 2. Book epigr. II.36 (AMB78, f.31).

(Literal transcription) Fugitive from battle, the mother was killed saying: Let's loosen the weight of the year that approaches.

(Edited transcript, respecting accentuation, punctuation and word breaks) Fleeing from the battle, the mother slaughtered me, saying: Let's break the weight of the hand, I didn't care about you, I didn't owe you anything, because I'm not a father Lakaian, friend, other.

As is quite evident, many of the accents in Benessa's original version are misplaced, some of them (ἀπεσφάξε λεγοῦσα; ἄλλα Λακαῖνα) actually corresponding to the position of the ictus in the metric scheme of the elegiac couplet. Inappropriate accentuation is a common phenomenon in Renaissance Greek manuscripts, particularly in enclitic marking, but Benessa's writing actually exceeds a fair number of discrepancies.

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Consequently, even the accuracy of accents that seem correct at first glance are easily questioned by an editor.37 Here, in particular, the adjectival form ἄλλα (nom. pl. neuter. the contrastive conjunction ἀλλά, and the phrase φίλη Λάκαινα πάτρη, now appearing as a vocative, it could just as well be interpreted as a nominative, combined with orthographically incorrect dative forms (φίλῃ, Λάκαινα, πάτινα, πάτινα, from the iota textual subscriptum wir found in his poetry.38 One such deviation is θρέξα, whose form no doubt should be interpreted as the aorist of the verb τρέφω (with the correct aorist form ἔθρεψα). , not as the aorist of the verb τρέχω. An augment and the form τέκον are missing, both for metric reasons. Finally, the form λυέμεν for λύειν, which represents morphologically correct eolism, it may be somewhat surprising, even if it is not documented in ancient Greek literature. chosen for metrical reasons, but this is precisely a testament to the skillful philological, if not poetic, age of Benessa. In conclusion, after all that has been said so far, the question remains as to what could have driven a person who was neither Greek nor Italian, who lived in remote and seemingly isolated Ragusa in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, write Greek poetry. Part of the answer is below. As can be seen from his Latin epigram De poetis nostrae aetatis (Liber epigr. III,14, AMB78, f.36v), Benessa was particularly impressed by the poetry of four of his Italian contemporaries: Giovanni Pontano, Jacopo Sanazzaro, Michele Marullo Tarchaniota and Angelo Poliziano: Quos iam magis commendo plurisue ęstimo Vatum meę aetatis, nec exiguus, licet, Horum numerus: at cęteris quos pręfero Graius Marullus, tum tametsi animoque ei Iam nil amico litteratus Angelus; Florentia nobis profectis obuii Pontanus Acciusue Sincęrus simul. Secerno solos cęteris hos omnibus. 37

This is, of course, easier when the meaning of a poem is ambiguous, and of this particular one Amati said: epigramma hoc male deformatum est ex epigrammate Anthologiae. See note 34. 38 This change significantly alters the meaning of the verse: I have nothing but you, my dear Spartan homeland (as transliterated above) vs. um des derliebe Heimat zuliebe (recommended alternative reading) 39 The verb form was verified in the dictionary of the TLG-e database.

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The fascination for these four poets is undoubtedly confirmed by the fact that the first three left recognizable marks on their own poetry: inspired by the Latin collection Iambici by Pontano, which mourned the death of his son Lúcio, Benessa also composed an iambic elegy , the death of his son Pascal mourning the death of his son; Inspired by the Latin avant-garde Eclogae pescatoriae of Sannazaro, he wrote his own Fischer Eclogue Alieuticon; and inspired by Marullus, he also wrote anti-Turkish Latin epigrams admonishing European rulers Ferdinand I, Charles V, and Francis I.40 This is why Angelo Poliziano, along with the other three Latin poets, is seen as Benessa's influence not because of because of its Latin poetry, but because of what you would expect. By the way, the explanation is in the Greek part of the poetry of Poliziano and Benessa. Both wrote Greek as well as Latin poems. The connection between the two poets is even clearer when we consider that both already used the same classical model in their Greek poems, the Spartan mother mentioned the murder of her own son. Finally, to even greater surprise, in both Benessa's and Poliziano's versions, this particular epigram begins with the words Ἐκπροφυγόντα μάχης, with the only difference being that Poliziano used the Doric form: Ἐκπροφυγόντα μάχας.41 All these analogies are more than that a mere coincidence. It is likely that it was Poliziano in particular, and his collection of humanistic Greek verse, that gave the impetus to poetic endeavors in the Greek language in Ragusa, soon after Greek poetry reached its zenith in Florence. As for Benessa, his philological achievement, unique for Croatian humanism, proved once again that he was the most attentive and versatile follower of the dominant humanistic literary currents on the east coast of the Adriatic.42

40

See Ioannis Ioviani Pontani Love [...] Eiusdem Iambici. Strasbourg: garlic 1515; Insunt In Wrong Libello [...] Rerum Bucolicarum P. Virgil Maronis [...] Sannazaris Eclogue V.Venice, 1528; Michaelis Tarchaniotae Marvlli Constantinopolitan epigrammata a hymn. Strasbourg: Schürer, 1509. 41 See Pontani 2002: 170. 42 However, Benessa and Ioannes Gotius were not the only scholars of some excellence in Greek literature in early sixteenth-century Ragusa. Only recently, one of Benessa's devotees, a certain Caelius, to whom he wrote six hymns and odes in Latin, but who until then was completely unknown in Croatian literary history, has been identified as the author of the oldest surviving Latin translation of Xenophon's Anabasis. . He turned out to be Michael Coelius Gradius (Miho Celije Gradić, before 1472–1527), a Ragusan nobleman who received an excellent education in Florence as a pupil of Demetrius Chalcondyles. The Italian humanist Giovanni Bembo also mentioned Gradius's Latin translations of several speeches by Demosthenes, but no trace of them survives today: his Anabasis manuscript is preserved in Berlin (MsPhill 1900). See Pray 2016b.

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Bibliography I. Manuscript sources Dubrovnik, Franciscan archive Dubrovnik, Franciscan archive Ms. 78 (no text: ΑΜΒ 78): Autograph poems of Damiani Benessae Paschalis filii patritii Ragusini. Dubrovnik, Franciscan Archives, Ms256 (no text: AMB256): As works of Damian Benessae Paschal, son of Patritius Rhacusinus. Dubrovnik, Research Library Dubrovnik, Research Library, Ms4 (no text: ZK4): Ten books autographed by Damiani Benessae Pascal son of Patricio Ragusini on the death of Christ.

II. Electronic sources CroALa = Croatian Latin Authors, http://www.ffzg.unizg.hr/klafil/croala/. ISTC = Cradle Short Title Catalog (British Library, http://istc.bl.uk/search/search.html).

III. Alte Bücher Marullus (1509) = Epigramme und Hymnen von Michael Tarchaniota Marvlli von Konstantinopel. Strasbourg: Schürer. Poliziano, Angelo (1498). Alle Werke von Angelo Politiani. Venedig: Aldus (http://nbnreresolution.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb00050563-2). Pontanus (1515) = Liebe von Ioannis Ioviani Pontani [...] des gleichen Jamben. Strasbourg: Knoblauch. Sannazaro (1528) = Insunt In Hoc Libello [...] Rerum Bucolicarum P. Virgilius Maronis [...] Sannazarij Eclogæ V. Venezia.

IV – Secondary Literature Affo, Irineu (1791). Memoirs of Parmesan writers and literati. tertiary volume Parma: Ducale's Typography (http://www.cortedeirossi.it/libro/libri/affo2.htm). Bricko, Marina (1992). "Benešićev latinski prijevod elegije Grgura iz Nazijanza." – Mogućnosti 3–4, 238–249. Butler, Shane (ed.) (2006). Angelo Poliziano: Letters. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. CORTASSA, Guido; Malteser, Heinrich V. (ed.) (1997). Francisco Filelfo. The Psychogogy. Alexandria: Bear Editions. Coxe, Henry (1853). Catalogi Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae. Vol. I Oxford University Press. Grafton, Anthony (1983). Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Science. I. Textual Criticism and Exegesis. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

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Today Humphrey (1742). Two books on the famous Greeks, founders of the Greek language and human literature, their vineyards, writings and praises. London: Charles Davis (http://portal.kobv.de/uid.do?plv=2&query=gbv_55241140X). Kallendorf, Craig W. (ed.) (2010). A companion of the classical tradition. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. Körbler, Đuro (1915). "Iz mladih dana triju humanist Dubrovčana 15. vijeka." - Rad JAZU 206, 218-252. Kristeller, Paul Oscar (1963-1992). italian travel. Vol.1-6. suffering, etc.: Brill. Lauxtermann, Marc D. (2009). “Janus Lascaris and the Greek Anthology.” – deBeer, Susanna; Enenkel, Karl A.E.; Rijser, David (eds.), The Neo-Latin Epigram: a Learned and Witty Genre. (Humanistic Leuven: Supplements; 25.) Leuven: Leuven University Press, 41-65. Layton, Evro (1979). "The first printed Greek book." - Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 5, 63-79. Swamp, David (2010). "Italy." - Kallendorf, Craig W. (ed.), A Companion to the Classical Tradition. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 208-221. Meschini, Anna (ed.) (1976). Giano Laskaris: Greek Epigrams. Padua: Livinia Editrice. Muellner, Karl (1899). 'A speech by Joannes Laskaris.'- Wiener Studien 21, 128-143. Novakovic, Darko (2004). "Autografi Ilije Crijevića (I): VAT lat. 1678.” – Hrvatska književna bastina 3, 9–251. Pontani, Filippomaria (ed.) (2002). The Book of Greek Epigrams by Angelus Politianus. Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura. Rezar, Vlado (2005). "The handwritten legacy of Damianus Benessa (Dubrovnik 1476. (?) - 1539.)" - heritage preserved in manuscripts. Euroclassica Congress Dubrovnik, 29.03-02.04.05, 80-88 (http://www.eduhi.at/artikel/EuroClassica/data/ Euroclassica_zbornik_Dubrovnik.doc). Pray, Vlado (2006). Damjan Beneša: On the death of Christ. Zagreb: former books. Pray, Vlado (2012). "Pisma Damjana Beneše europskim vladarima." - Povijesni prilozi 42, 191-214 (http://hrcak.srce.hr/index.php?show=clanak&id_clanak_jezik=126460). Rezar, Vlado (2013). "Benešino izdanje Silijeva epa: opci okvir." - Colloquia Maruliana 22, 31-43. Rezar, Vlado (2016a). "Ludovicus Cervarius Tubero." - Thomas, David; Chesworth, John (general eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations 1500–1900. Brill Online, 2016. June 7, 2016 (http://dx. doi.org/10.1163/2451-9537_cm rii_COM_27639). Pray, Vlado (2016b). "New ime dubrovačkog humanizma: Miho Celije Gradić." - Colloquia Maruliana 25, 5-17. Pray, Vlado (2017). The Poems of Damian Benessa. Division: Književni krug SplitMarulianum Reynolds, Leighton Durham; Wilson, Nigel Guy (1999). Oxford scribes and scholars: Clarendon Press. Sandy, Gerald (1996). "The Legacy of Ancient Greek Romance in France and Britain." - Schmeling, Gareth (ed.), The Romance in the Ancient World. Leiden: Brill, 735-774. Škunca, Stanislav (1971). Aelius Lampridius Cervinus, Ragusian poet (15th century). Rome: Edizioni Francescane.

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Appendix. Greek Epigrams by Damian Benessa43

SICK. 3. Damiani Benessae Paschalis filii patitii Ragusini Poemata autographa. Dubrovnik, Franciscan Archive Ms78, p. 34. I, 30. Believe me, ants, that most of you were wary, witnesses of the death of Cyprus, as I saw, you are no longer here, as before your kidnapping, athymounti, memory if you believe, then what?

SICK. 4. Damiani Benessae Paschalis filii patitii Ragusini Poemata autographa. Dubrovnik, Franciscan Archive Ms78, p. 53. II,21 Another Greek [!] of his, Did you see who dissolved dead when he lived, what art has he? Karl was a great Poteos, but he is a poet, art and life, where he dissolves the womb. 43

The text of the Greek verses, as shown in the appendix below, is a literal transcription of the manuscript with modernized punctuation and emphasis. 44 in the margin ἀπεσφάλετο.

Greek verses by Damianus Benesa

SICK. 5. Damiani Benessae Paschalis filii patitii Ragusini Poemata autographa. Dubrovnik, Franciscan Archive Ms78, p. 54. II,22 About Christ Many saw and many understood, for what is a dream, not one, when he offered to benefit so many sages: Save me, he also makes several letters from the Bible, do not let your soul live, because he is not for you. Only Christ is enough, and he alone, the ruler of mortals, runs to everyone, for this is the end, this is the way and the good, but the world is not a lie. Open again, art comes again, bible lyrics, you show love, I Christ. It's always good for what it is, so anything goes, who, in destroying, has no measure.

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SICK. 6. Damiani Benessae Paschalis filii patitii Ragusini Poemata autographa. Dubrovnik, Franciscan Archive Ms78, p. 56. II, 27 Epitaph Michael the Fair [!] This man died many times and shed tears, he was everyone's friend [!] he meant a kiss. And he was very good, good where he lived and his home name, good and good he was, body and soul;

SICK. 7. Damiani Benessae Paschalis filii patitii Ragusini Poemata autographa. Dubrovnik, Franciscan Archive Ms78, p. 61. II,36 Fleeing45 from the battle he slew his mother and said: Let us loose due lean hand, for I did not feed you [!] then I was no child either, for I am not, friend, but of Lakaina father.46

45 46

from margin to fugitive so in text, but perhaps better Oὐ γὰρ ἐμοὶ, Freund aber Lacaina, Vater

Greek verses by Damianus Benesa

SICK. 8. Damiani Benessae Paschalis filii patitii Ragusini Poemata autographa. Dubrovnik, Franciscan Archive Ms78, p. 61. II,38 Of thanksgiving Now the angel [!] has given us bread, And he dies full of death, 47 A miracle of the great God, for the body was felt as if it were incomprehensible to the intellect.

SICK. 9. Poems autographed by Damiani Benessa Paschal, son of the patrician Ragusini. Dubrovnik, Franciscan Archive Ms78, p. 83

47

The Marge Pro is complete

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III,26 I am the star of the sky because I am the same age, Kuiper, otherwise much less [!]; For there is no rising star, Passidius many stars [!] shine, But below is gloomy and so many Ommassi submit to this sky from above. He is a male force, but this is a female force, I beat and feed like a mother. III, 27 About Irana, grandson of Zeus, Irana, a city he did not own, but which did not bring him great riches. And because of her no one else was glorified for his learning [!] who in the temple of the goddesses, Eunomie te caldii et soi d'ams, potnia Dika; For the good, the kindest Didontos, Mellios of the Temple have good texts [!] III,28 To Constantine [!] pains and sorrows, for all evils and other things Whose fault is ours, poor life; For all the virtues of virtue are good forever Where fate remains unsullied. Toton oὖn metekhonta ᐈὼν ῆν ahnimai αὐτῶς, for pain then, for pain there is no audience. Feige and I try not to be born, but they give me a powerful blessing.

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Abstract Damianus Benessa (1476–1539), a Latin poet from Dubrovnik, is generally considered one of the most versatile exponents of humanism on the east coast of the Adriatic in the early 16th century. Benessa is remembered above all for his extensive Christian epic De morte Christi, composed in about 8,500 Latin hexameters and published only in 2006 after autographing three books of epigrams, a book of eclogues, two books of poetry and a book of satires. The seemingly humanistic concept of this poetic enterprise, which draws on genre models from classical antiquity, is further emphasized by the Anthologia Planudea's seven Latin translations of Greek epigrams of Benessa, and in particular by the original nine epigrams of Benessa in ancient Greek. This particular part of Benessa's work, a total of 30 elegiac couplets written in the second language of humanism, is unique among the surviving works of Croatian humanist poets and therefore of indisputable importance for Croatian literary and cultural history. However, his Greek poems, like most of the aforementioned Latin poems from the same manuscript, have remained almost unexplored to this day due to poor readability, questionable incomprehensibility, and literary value. Together with the edition of Benessa's Greek poems, the essay presents the results of the central philological analysis of his Greek poetry and tries to explain its emergence in the context of contemporary Greek poetry in Italy.

ὫΣ ῬΌΔΟΝ ἘΝ ἈΚΆΝΘΑΙΣ – “LIKE PINK WATER AMONG THORNS”: ANNA MARIA VAN SCHURMAN AND HER CORRESPONDENCE IN GREEK1 Pieta van Beek

In 1625, a young woman picked up a pencil and began a little florilegium as a gift. First she painted her name: Anna Maria van Schurman in large letters, with bows and flourishes, along with her Greek symbol on the side: Ὁ ἐμὸς ἔρως ἐσταύρωται "My love is crucified", a saying she took from the martyr Ignatius of Antioch (Van Beek 2014, 2010: 24-26). It referred both to celibacy and to the crucified Lord. She then followed the advice of Lucretius, "As bees taste everything in meadows of flowers, so we gather all the golden statements", and selected several authors on the subject De Deo, about God. There followed thirteen statements on God by Basil, Epictetus, Tacitus, Pythagoras, Hilary, Anaxagoras, Cicero, an Egyptian temple inscription, two writers of the New Testament books, Seneca and Hermes Trismegistus. So the little album was filled with a colorful group of Greek and Roman philosophers, biblical writers, church fathers and historians, written in their beautiful handwriting. She later adorned the album cover with a beautiful gold stamp of a flowerpot with carnations (Van Beek 2014). Writing in Greek (and Latin) was quite unusual for a young girl in the past. Who was Anna Maria van Schurman? And why and what did she write in Greek (besides the Florilegium above), and who were the correspondents here? And were there other women who spoke Greek fluently? 1

Dedicated to my Greek teacher François Pauw († August 2014). This article is based on my talk given at the Humanist Greek in Early Modern Europe conference. Scholarly Communities between Antiquity and Contemporary Culture, 8th-9th centuries May 2014 at the University Library of Tartu, Estonia. See earlier publications on specific Van Schurman correspondences in Greek: Van Beek 1995, Van Beek 1998; the quotation is from the letter of Meletios Pantogalos in Van Schurman 1652:157; for an up-to-date overview of Van Schurman and his scholarly learning and contacts, Van Beek 2010 and 2007; for more recent publications on Van Schurman, see Van Beek 2014a,b, Van Beek 2015a,b, Van Beek 2016, www.annamariavanschurman.org.

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Life and work of Anna Maria van Schurman (1607–1678) Anna Maria van Schurman, born in Cologne in 1607, lived most of her life on or near the Domplatz in Utrecht. At the age of eleven, she managed to convince her father that she, too, could learn Latin as a girl. In the following years, she learned Latin (and Greek) so well that as early as 1620 a famous writer, Anna Roemers Visscher, praised not only her beauty but also her knowledge of Latin and Greek, her artistic hand and her musical talent. We don't know what her father Frederik van Schurman's profession was, but Visscher praises him: "Your father deserves to be honored because he raised him so well." 2 When the University of Utrecht was founded in 1636, he was asked to write a poem in Latin praising the founding of the new university. In this poem, she laments the exclusion of women and defends their admission to universities. Van Schurman obtained permission to enroll, becoming the first woman to study at a university. Her studies in arts, theology and medicine made her the most educated woman of her time. She was fluent in at least fourteen languages ​​(German, Dutch, French, English, Italian, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic, Arabic, Syriac, Samaritan, Persian, and Ethiopian), wrote poetry in several languages, and corresponded with many scholars in the Europe and his publications, particularly in Latin, spread his fame and reputation widely. The many visitors to his home, the Achter de Dom (behind the Cathedral) in Utrecht - not only students, scholars, poets and politicians, but also kings such as Queen Christina of Sweden, Queen Henrietta Maria of England, Queen Maria of Medici of France and Queen Maria Louisa Gonzaga of Poland - brought news of his name and fame to their home countries. In 1648 he published his main work Opuscula Hebraea Graeca Latina et Gallica, prosaica et metrica de Elzeviers in Leiden, a book of which three editions survive, namely those of 1650 (Leiden), 1652 (Van Waesberghe, Utrecht) and 1749 (Leipzig). Biographer Johannes Mollerus also mentions editions of 1672, 1700 and 1723 (Mollerus 1744). In addition to new works such as scientific letters in Latin, Greek, Hebrew and French, some Latin poems and elogia, the opuscula also contains his already published work De Vitae Termino from 1639 and a dissertatio de ingenii muliebris ad doctrinam et meliores Litteras aptitudine ( 1641 ), a study on the academic ability of women.

2

Van Beek 2010, passive; Anna Roemers Visscher's entire poem (in Dutch and English) in Van Beek 2010:21, see Kossmann 1925:28–29.

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Despite her learned and pious environment, particularly the support of her former teacher, pastor and neighbor Gisbertus Voetius, she eventually left the city, church and university in Utrecht in 1669 to join a group of radical Protestants led by Jean from Labadie. She defended her choice in her autobiography ΕΥΚΛΗΡΙΑ her melioris partis electio (1673), characterizing much of her earlier work as futile. She burned many works written or dedicated to her. After wandering in Germany and Denmark, she died in May 1678 at Wieuwerd in Friesland. (Van Beek 2010: passive)

His knowledge of Greek It has often been said that of the three languages ​​a scholar was required to know in the early modern period - Latin, Greek and Hebrew - Latin was the most widely used as a lingua franca in the Respublica Litterarium, the Republic of Scholars. But we must not underestimate knowledge of Greek. In this language, the classical and early Christian and Byzantine heritage was studied, letters were written, speeches, disputes and scientific discussions were held. We also see this with Anna Maria van Schurman. After learning enough Latin, she began to learn Greek, initially with the help of her father and an unknown teacher. It is still not known for sure which manuals he used, although we can have a clue of the books referred to in various auction catalogues, for example by Voetius, who had in his library the Rudimenta Linguae Graecae (Leiden, 1617) and a Grammatica Graeca by Ramus (Hanau, 1605). Another possibility is the books mentioned in the auction catalog for the study of Greek by theology student Aemilius Cuylenburg, who probably sold some of his books at the end of October 1669: a Lexicon Graeco-Latinum (Pasorus) and a Grammatica Graeca (Golius ) . Several textbooks for Greek were sold in the auction catalog of the Labadist library (1675), a Lexicon Graeco-Latinum, a Universa Grammatica Graeca (Alexander Scot) and a Grammatica Graeca (Wellerus), a Syntaxis linguae Graecae (Vannerius, Posselius) , a Tyrocinium linguae Graeca, a Clavis Graecae Linguae (J.A.), and a Syllabus Graecos Latinus (Pasor).3 Voetius became his teacher of Greek, particularly in Greek of the New Testament (Koine Greek) and of the Greek church fathers. But, as is evident from her Florilegium De Deo (c. 1625), she had read and mastered these authors long before she met Voetius in 1634 (Van Beek 2014). Homer became her favorite poet. She appreciated the work of Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Plato, 3

Van Beek 2016; Voetius 1677: 23, 25.

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Aristotle (especially his Ethica e Metaphysica), Demosthenes, Aeschines and Isocrates mentioned Xenophon and Plutarch (Parallel Lives), but also read Herodotus, Hesiod, Thucydides and Polybius. She knew Pindar, Simonides and Euripides, often quoted from Epictetus and referred to Herodian and Nicephorus. Along with the New Testament, Anna Maria van Schurman read the Fathers of the Greek Church: Gregory of Nazianzus, Basil, Chrysostom, Origen, Theodoret, Hilary, Cyril, Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria, but also Hermes Trismegistus. According to Schotel (1853), she knew her works by heart and often recited long passages from them.4 She not only absorbed this knowledge but processed it in her scientific and artistic work. She compiled an album of proverbs entitled De Deo, wrote poems and hymns in Greek (now lost), drew the Lord's Prayer as a calligraphic work of art5, compiled a dictionary like Matthias Martini's (lost), commented on many classical texts, and wrote commentaries on the new testament, eg. in the Epistle of the Apostle Paul to the Romans (lost) and translated Homer, Simonides and Pindar and Tragedies from Greek into Dutch (lost). Greek. Greek also occurs in her inscriptions in alba amicorum and in her polyglot works of art.7 Van Schurman must have had an excellent command of Greek.8

His symbol and his celibacy Next to his signature, Van Schurman almost always wrote his Greek symbol, his motto Ὁ ἐμὸς ἔρως ἐσταύρωται ἐσταύρωται “my love was crucified” to commemorate the promise not to marry made to his father on his deathbed . a double meaning: her physical love had been crucified, but also that her love was Jesus crucified. In this regard, it follows the interpretation initiated by Origen.10 She found the motto in more recent editions of the Epistles of Ignatius in

4

Judgment 1853:30-31; Van Beek 2010: 37-38; Van Beek 2014: 16-20. Martena Museum, Franeker, The Netherlands, Catalog No. S0006. 6 The poet Simonides in Van Schurman 1652: 10–11. It is unclear whether the translation is Van Schurman's own. See also Van Schurman 1639, De Navorscher I, 1851: 12, 31. 7 See examples Van der Stighelen 1987: 223, 229; Van Beek 2010: 36, 75, 128, 140, 145, 155, 167, 172, 219. 8 See more at: Van Beek 2010: 39 & #61; cf Mollerus 1744: 814, 817. 9 Van Beek 2010: 24–25, 127; Van Schurman 1652:303 (his Latin poem in Symbolum suum). 10 Van Beek 1997: 310-316. 5

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Greek. The concept of martyrdom also played an important role, as Ignatius was thrown to the wild beasts in Rome as a martyr in A.D. 120.11.

Greek letters of Anna Maria van Schurman In 1648 Anna Maria van Schurman published several Greek letters to (and from) Meletios Pantogalos, Bathsua Makin, Claudius Salmasius, Johan van Beverwijck. The letters were reprinted in each subsequent edition (1650, 1652, 1749) of the Opuscula. Letters were the building blocks of the Republic of Letters. Below, I will present the facsimiles along with the full translation (in the order they appear in the 1652 version of the booklet) and briefly contextualize them (for longer discussions of some letters, see Van Beek 2007, 2010). Correspondence with Meletios Pantogalos (1595–1645) 12 In 1645 Van Schurman received a Greek letter from Patriarch Meletios Pantogalos of the Greek Orthodox Church in Ephesus, full of allusions to his virginity. He was born in Crete in 1595, like 25 years before him his great and much better known master Kyrill Lukaris (Kyrillos Lukaris), who had been murdered in 1638 for pursuing ecumenism with the western churches (Lutherans, Catholics), but above all all Calvinists). Meletios Pantogalos was one of the few supporters of Cyril Lucaris in his quest for ecumenism and later Calvinism. For this he was stripped of his episcopate and had to flee his country. Together with another follower of Lucaris, Hierotheos Abbathios, he finally arrived in Holland to ask for help. The national parliament (States General) allowed them to live and study in Leiden during the winter of 1644/45 at state expense. On December 23, 1644, fifty-year-old Meletios was ceremonially included in Leiden University's Album Studiosorum. There Meletios learned of Van Schurman from Professor Adolf Vorstius and was so delighted that he wrote her a long letter in Greek, praising her erudition, piety, knowledge of Greek, and, above all, her virginity ("wise lady [...], as a rose among thorns'). In 1645 Meletios returned to Ephesus with letters of recommendation from the Church Synod and Parliament. Sadly, he died before seeing his homeland again. 11

The catalog of Voetius 1677: Libri in Quarto, nr. 259 letters from Ignatius Gr. she T. With the comment. See her against the Baron and Bellarmine. Geneva, 1623; do not. 260 Letters of Ignatius and Polycarp ex. To edit. Nitidiss. User Oxford, 1644; Van Beek 2004: 247-265. 12 Van Beek 1998: 180-198; Van Beek 2010: 123-124.

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ILL.1. A letter from Meletios to Van Schurman. Van Schurman 1652: 155-156 (private collection). Meletius, Bishop of Ephesus, sends a blessing from the Lord our God and a humble prayer to the noble and very intelligent woman Anna Maria. From all sides I hear about his noble moral life and also about his philosophical attitude and study of the Greek language. I was delighted to learn about her religious studies, but the greatest admiration was for her virginal condition, Anna Maria, Blessed Virgin, Blessed and Wise. Words of honor accompany her deeds. One of the things that happened as I traveled from East to West, certainly by divine inspiration, was that many people told me about their talents and education. His performances in these were considered excellent. After I became an admirer of her exceptional lifestyle and way of life in an ever-increasing spiral, I immediately thanked the Most High, because even now, at the end of time, as in former times, there are still daughters who, faithfully, need her , shine and surpass not only the virtue of wisdom, but also that of virginity. It seemed appropriate, therefore, to send you a blessing because you must endure so much hardship and hardship and abstain from so much [things].

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ILL.2. A letter from Meletios to Van Schurman (continued from fig. 1). Van Schurman 1652: 157-158 (private collection). By the way, this was the main reason for writing to you, so that I, as a foreigner, can praise your integrity with a letter. I pray to God for your well-being and health and I bring you greetings and the peace of our Savior Christ. His life's excellent reputation and his virginally wise intelligence compelled me to do so. If anyone feels that it is impertinent of you to write to an unknown person, please be aware that you are not exceeding the bounds of propriety or decorum. For I will exalt virtue, and address her with joy and frankness: O virginity, characteristic of angels (as virginity is the natural state of such disembodied beings); O God's own wisdom (which is not unknown to virgins). For what is more blessed and useful in the sight of God, what is more honorable and glorious in this world, than for lovers of the divine to devote themselves to the study of virginity and godliness, that in the image of God they may behold such virtues become equal to the Most High God (as it is written). You are like a rose among thorns because you have submitted and are all your most holy and independent spirit to the Most High and Celestial

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you are already living outside the physical realm through your struggles in wisdom and your burden of virginity. Hail, noble noble lady, wise Mary, who chose the good, as well as the other Mary, who was called blessed by Christ because she heard her words. Just as you got rid of all earthly matter and sanely distracted yourself from the rivers of Babylon, I mean that strange land, and decided to live a life according to philosophy; [the life] that is and will be forever, and in your contemplations you sing our Lord's hymn and meditate only on things heavenly and right, for you know full well that all earthly undertakings are unstable and uncertain. Therefore, I congratulate you on your high virtues and remarkable achievements, through which you also saw the figure of Christ as in a clear mirror. And therefore, He who knows the hearts of men, the All-Seeing Eye Himself, has noticed the love you have for Him. He has given you many talents to one day crown you with heavenly and eternal crowns of glory. So hurry and wake up, beautiful bride of the immortal Bridegroom, may you keep your lamp (i.e., your heart) well prepared, spotless and unquenchable and set out with the wise virgins to meet him, you enter the divine bridal chamber and reach them Pearl of eternal splendor and eternal life, sweet Jesus and Lord Almighty, who lives and reigns forever and ever. I wish you a life of good health, godly daughter in Christ! Leiden, A.D. 18th March 1645 Of Utrecht, the humble Archbishop, the honored Patriarch of Ephesus and Exarch of all Asia, etc.

Anna Maria van Schurman waited several months before replying to his letter. Anna Maria van Schurman salutes the most honored and very wise Mr. Meletios, Archbishop of Ephesus, in the Lord our God. Praise is welcome when it accords with the truth. But as the reputation of my studies and publications has deceived you, excellent man, and you praise me more than I deserve, it would be unacceptable for me to accept excessive praise from him. Nothing can be said against the truth, but only if it is really the truth. As I value all Dutch and foreigners who uphold wisdom and piety, I have no greater ambition than to compare myself with them. However, I am very pleased to hear that although you dabble in philosophy and theology, you are fine with my virgin way of life. Nothing seems to me more valuable to wisdom and virtue than your opinion, according to the saying of the wisest king: The words of the wise are like thorns and like nails [Eccl. 12:11]. I also learned from our mutual friend Adolf Vorstius that you started a great project with the late Cyril and that you are trying to enlighten the Eastern Churches through orthodox and divine studies. it's going well

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Of course, we fully support you in this work, especially since the light of the gospel also dawned for us in the East early on. Therefore, very attentive Shepherd, &c. Persevere, as you did before, in joyfully following in the footsteps of Christ, the Chief Shepherd, who will keep for you the crown of glory that will not fade (as he promised). . Goodbye and keep your good opinion of me. Utrecht, c. May 30, 1645 AD

ILL.3. A Reply to Meletios by Van Schurman. Van Schurman 1652: 159-160. (private collection).

Unfortunately, the letters Meletios and Van Schurman wrote to each other no longer exist in their original handwritten form. Meletios's letter was only published in the third edition of the Opuscula; her letter to him had already appeared in the first issue. They used Greek as a means of correspondence, which was to be expected of a bishop of the Greek Orthodox Church but not of a woman in the 17th century. The lyrics differ in many ways; the bishop's letter is long, repetitive and contains itacisms, Van Schurman's letter is concise and tends towards the use of Attic Greek. It also uses an Attic month indication (μεσοῦντος Θαργηλιῶνος

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πέμπτῃ ἡμέρᾳ (c. 30 May 1645), while Bishop uses the usual Western European reference. The similarity between Meletios Pantogalos and Anna Maria van Schurman, in addition to their knowledge of Greek and their religious interests, was their fondness for παρθενία, virginity. Praise for Van Schurman's virginity was not common in 17th-century Dutch society: when Constantijn Huygens or Caspar Barlaeus praised Anna Maria van Schurman, they were referring to her feminine erudition or artistic talent. The subject of her virginity was the butt of jokes, but not from foreign writers.13

Correspondence with Bathsua Makin (1600– ca. 1675)14 On 13 May 1640, Van Schurman wrote the third letter (the previous two remained unanswered) to Bathsua Makin. Makin was born in London in 1600, the son of the famous teacher Henry Reginald. When she was 16, her father published a small volume of poetry she had written, Musa Virginea, a small collection of poems that demonstrated her knowledge of Latin, Greek, French, Italian, Spanish, German and Hebrew. The pamphlet was intended to honor James I's royal family, but also to promote Reginald's school. Bathsua married Richard Makin and they had three children. From 1640 she was governess to Princess Elisabeth, the youngest daughter of King Charles I and Queen Henrietta Maria, who at the age of nine could read, write and partially understand Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French and Italian. After the Restoration, Makin became tutor to the Duchess Lucy Huntington and her daughter; She set up a special school for girls outside London with an emphasis on classical education (Latin, French, Greek, Hebrew, Italian and Spanish) and music, dancing, singing, embroidery and accounting. In 1664 she described herself as a widow who had to fend for herself as a governess. At age 73, she published her essay Revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen (Teague 1998). The reason Makin did not react at first likely had to do with political unrest during the reign of Charles I. It is typical of Van Schurman's interest in religion that she inquired about the state of the Church in England. But she was also curious about Makin's philosophical writings and wanted to know what Makin's discussions with the little princess meant.15 Unfortunately, we have no answers from Makin. 13 14 15

Van Beek 2010: 171. Van Beek 1995; Van Beek 2010: 178–181. Zu Van Schurmans Verwendung von Queen Elizabeth siehe Gim 2007: 168–184.

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ILL.4. Van Schurman's first letter to Makin. Van Schurman 1652: 162-163. (private collection). Anna Maria van Schurman sends greetings to the distinguished Lady Bathsua Makin. Not long ago, dear lady, I sent you a letter asking whether you had received my previous letter or not. I still do not know. But it would not be appropriate in our time to simply let this golden opportunity pass. It would be a great favor to me if you would write to me frequently about your work, as it goes without saying that we have our deepest sympathy for your dire circumstances. In particular, I would like to hear from you what the situation is in the church, also what your present dissertation on virtue involves, and what conversations you are having with your royal disciple. Taking leave.

Van Schurman's second letter is dated five years later (1645). The correspondence between these two dates is unknown to us, but it is clear that Makin replied, also in Greek, as Van Schurman praised his beautiful Greek:

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Dear Lady Bathsua Makin Even if I wrote you a letter that disappointed you as being clumsy compared to your expectations, I would rather spoil your favorable opinion of my learning than neglect my duty. I was very happy when I read her letter. It seems from her letter that I couldn't even come close to her Greek eloquence. It is very admirable that, in spite of many domestic engagements, you are not infrequently in the company of philosophy, and your muses have not been silenced amidst the stormy struggle. I think that's why I love his dissertation on beauty so much and can only praise him for his encyclopedic knowledge that compelled him to serve theology, the discipline above all disciplines. For the rest, you have nothing to worry about but devoting your talents to the education of the little royal girl, that you may resurrect for us the famous Elizabeth (under whose holy and just reign your island truly prospered). Goodbye and please love me in return for my love for you. Utrecht, c. October 20, 1645 AD

ILL.5. Van Schurman's second letter to Makin. Van Schumann 1652: 163-164. (private collection).

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The first translation of Schurman's dissertation was published in 1645 under the auspices of Bathsua Makin and was included in The Woman's Glory, a manifesto written by Samuel Torshell, a devout chaplain to the royal court. It is clear from Makin's essay that Van Schurman's dissertation inspired and influenced Makin, in the section "Women have been good linguists" she wrote the following: "Anna Maria von Utrecht (called by Spanhemius "ultimum naturae in hoc sexum conatum et decimam musam", masterpiece of nature among women, surpassing the muses) printed several works in Latin, Greek, French and Persian; she also understood Arabic. She was also an excellent poet.” The Greek letters also indicate that Van Schurman held Makin in the highest regard (Makin 1673:16).

Correspondence with Johan van Beverwijck (1594–1647) The learned physician Johan van Beverwijck of Dordrecht and senator in Parliament at The Hague was his good friend (with his family) and they corresponded in Arabic, Dutch, Latin and Greek. He responded to Van Schurman's Latin poem for the opening of the University of Utrecht by including his poem in both Latin and French in his book From the Excellence of the Female Sex. He invited her to participate in the scholarly discussion of De Vitae Termino, at the end of his life. She had the honor of closing the international discussion (from 1632) with her Latin contribution.16 Van Beverwijck wrote the introduction to Van Schurman's dissertation on women's right to study (Leiden: Elzeviers, 1641). On Van Beverwijck's death in 1647, Van Schurman wrote a suitable commemorative poem in Latin.17 Of his Greek correspondence, only one letter from Van Schurman survives. She wrote to Van Beverwijck to thank him for the gift he had given her, the book Αὐτάρκεια Bataviae, sive introductio ad medicinals indigenam (Leiden: Johan le Maire, 1644).18 In a letter in Latin, Van Schurman thanked her 16

De Vitae Termino was first published in Latin, then in Dutch (Paelsteen van den time onses leven), Van Schurman 1639, Van Schurman 1647. In all, Van Schurman's contribution appeared at least fifteen times, separately or as part of another work, in Latin, Dutch, German and French. 17 Van Beek 2010: 118-119. 18 A few years before publishing the original book in Dutch, Van Beverwijck 1642. Van Schurman, May 11, 1642: "I have a special desire for the book from the Inleydingen to the Hollantsche Genees-smiddelen which U.E. recently wrote ende ick und bin not surprised that you had so much fun doing it yourself, for the Goddelicke Voorsienigheydt does not shine wisely and resplendent in it and reveals a miracle on everyone's lips” in: 'Letter from Vraagh on the Healing of the Born Blind' in Van Beverwijck 1644:121-124 ; 1664:

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praised him effusively for this excellent work (“eximium hoc opusculum”).19 Ten years after Van Beverwijck, a London pharmacist, Nicholas Culpeper, published a book on herbs entitled The English Physitian, or An Astrologo-Physical Discourse of the Vulgar Herbs of this nation” (1652). . It had the simple purpose of discussing how one can cure oneself while being sick of things that only grow in England, as Van Beverwijck had argued (Cooper 2007: 21, 41–45). The title of the book she received, Αὐτάρκεια Bataviae, needs some explanation. Van Beverwijck was fascinated by the stories about the ancient Batavi, the Germanic tribe that originally inhabited the Holland region before the arrival of the Romans. In the turmoil of the Dutch revolt against the Spanish and Austrian Habsburgs, earlier humanist writers had regarded the Batavi, who were supposed to have fiercely resisted the Romans, as symbols of Dutch national pride and hope for independence. By the mid-17th century, it had become common scholarly practice to use the term Batavian as a synonym for Dutch and Batavia for the Dutch Republic. Van Schurman uses the term Batavi quite frequently, for example in the Latin poem she wrote about the return of Claudius Salmasius to Holland in 1644 ("Hospes ave Batavis jam tandem reddite terries/ Quin orbis resonet Batavis Hospes ave", "Greetings to you , foreigners , now finally brought back to the Batavian country, or rather, let the world resound: Batavian foreigner, salute! He referred to a situation of economic self-sufficiency and to the autochthonous of the inhabitants of the region. Van Beverwijck explains in his book why each country has the right medicinal plants and herbs to cure health problems and why you don't need foreign products. The book fits into the modern debate about native and foreign nature. European contrasting natural objects with exotic imports from abroad, often before death physical, medical and economic dangers. We see this with Van Beverwijck as well: he is trying to prove that it is not necessary to look for medicine abroad with a lot of cost and risk because there are better ones at home, no

198-200 (“I miss your book The Introduction to Dutch Medicine that you wrote recently. I am not surprised that you enjoyed writing it so much, for Divine Providence shines in many ways and reveals a miraculous heart in all" at : Van Bevewijck 1642 (12th). Also included in all editions of his standard work Schat der gesontheit en ongesontheit, for example in the Amsterdam edition 1660, pp. 156-176. 19 "Valde in caeteris probavi eas rationes, quibus herbarum indigenarum usum imprints vestri ordinis hominibus probare contendis', Van Schurman 1652: 202–206; Van Beverwijck 1642: 72. 20 Van Schurman 1652: 308.

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only herbs, but also milk, butter, cheese, honey and lard. It was as if Van Beverwijck had religious faith in her own country.21 Van Schurman's letter in Greek is not a scholarly response, as she would normally write in Latin (eg, De Vitae Termino and with the letter in John 9 to the question, why Christ the Lord put spittle and mud in the eyes of the blind man). It's just an eloquent thank you for the book. Why did she write in Greek? She knew he was fluent in Greek, not only from the Latin letters he wrote to her, which often contained Greek, but also from his Greek letters to other members of the Republic of Scholars (for more, see Van Beek 2010). . The contents of the letter are as follows. Van Schurman praises Van Beverwijck for his work in medical science (symbolized by Phoibos, the attribute of the god Apollo) and politics (symbolized by the goddess Themis). He can juggle the two, although his medical work takes up most of his time. He shows in all aspects that he is a true cosmopolitan and not just a citizen of the city and that he cares more about the common good than his own profit. That's why Van Beverwijck is generous with gifts. She eloquently refers to an (unknown) saying that generosity breeds more zeal in the recipient (Machiavelli?). But not in her case: although he promises her more and more gifts, she will be satisfied with this gift. She looks forward to more works from her hand in the future. She writes that she takes great pleasure in gardening and finds nothing more enjoyable, nothing more useful than botany lessons. She praises him for being able to make it clear that every country has what is necessary for everyone's health. Anna Maria van Schurman wishes dear Sir Johannes van Beverwijck all the best! Indeed, I am amazed at how you are able to unite Phoibos22 and Themis23 in such friendship and harmony that they are not jealous of sharing your service, especially as you seem to devote most of your time to the medical sciences. In doing so, you have demonstrated in every way that you are not a citizen of the world at all, but a citizen of the world, a cosmopolitan, working more for the common good than for your own benefit. That's certainly the reason why you can't stop gifting your friends.

21 22

Cooper 2007:41-46; Van Beverwijck 1660: 124. Apollo as the Greek god of light; God of prophecy and poetry and music and healing

ing. 23

Themis, goddess of divine law, personification of justice.

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ILL.6. Carta de Van Schurman para Van Beverwijck. Van Schurman 1652: 160–162. (Privatsammlung).

However, scholars of ethics accuse generosity as the greatest inconvenience of all,24 because those who receive favors often become more anxious. No doubt you think of happiness in promising more and more, which would awaken my desire for joy in things that bring joy. I admit, however, that I am not so satisfied with the goods I have acquired that I do not insatiably desire the things for which you gave us good hopes in the past. But I, who take extraordinary pleasure in gardening, find nothing more pleasant than the study of botany. And after having accepted this study that was denied him for so long

24

Source not found.

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Return country to your own country, you will certainly make it clear to us that every country has what is suitable for health. Taking leave. Utrecht on the 8th day of the descending month Elaphebolion, added to 1600 in year 46. (= March/April 1646)

Van Schurman was able to praise Van Beverwijck for his studies in horticulture (see his letter of 4 October 1644 to Van Beverwijck). cross and hyssop), she gives Van Beverwijck full credit and mentions him as the supreme authority. her essay on the question implied in John 9. Van Beverwijck included both of her essays in her collected works.27 Later in life, she corresponded in Latin with her own physician, Bernardus Swalve of Harlingen, informing him of her use of medicines.28 By studying the book Αὐτάρκεια Bataviae Van Beverwijck, ela (and the Dutch edition of 1642 and its Latin and Dutch replica) and her letter in Greek, we have a further indication of the content of her training in medicine. Correspondence with Claudius Salmasius (1588–1653)29 Claudius Salmasius was born in Semur-en-Auxois, France, and studied in Paris and Heidelberg. He was one of the most famous Leiden scholars, having been named Scaliger's successor in 1632. Anna Maria van Schurman was introduced to Claudius Salmasius by Andreas Rivet, who was also a Huguenot. Salmasius corresponded with Van Schurman in Latin on theological and philological subjects and sent him many of his books such as Antidoron, gifts.30 Salmasius praised his varied artistic talents, his erudition, and his knowledge of European and Oriental languages. She shared with him the friendship of Queen Christina of Sweden as a true member of the Republic of Letters.31

25

Quoted in Schotel 1853: 74-75. Van Schurman 1652: 141: the greatest Medici, and with us the most industrious Jo. Accounts and authority of Beverovici. 27 Van Beek 2010: 91–92. 28 Schotel 1853 (notes): 141–147; 145-146. 29 Van Beek 2010: 122-123. 30 For Van Schurman's letters to Salmasius, see Van Schurman 1652: 121–152, 164–165. 31 Buckley 2011: 98–99 and the image between 176–177; Considine 2012: 295-305. 26

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Van Schurman wrote a beautiful letter in Greek to Salmasius to thank him. He had given her a book when she and her brother visited. The precious book - on the origin of the Greek language - inspired her to answer him in Greek. She invited him and his wife to visit her and her brother in Utrecht in return. The book she received was one of two Salmasius published in 1643; the subject of both had to do with the dispute between Salmasius and Daniel Heinsius over whether or not the Septuagint and New Testament were written in a specific Hellenistic Lingua. In 1627, Heinsius published his Aristarchus sacer, in which he argued that the Greek of the New Testament was the language of the Greek-speaking Jews, who read the Septuagint rather than the Hebrew Scriptures and were heavily influenced by the Aramaic language. Because of this, the meaning of some Greek words changed. Heinsius developed his theory further in his Sacrarum exercitationum ad Novum Testamentum libri XX (1639). But Salmasius reacted violently. In 1643 he published two books on the subject, De Hellenistica commentarius and Funus Linguae Hellenisticae Sive Confutatio Exercitationis De Hellenistis et lingua Hellenistica, with even an appendix called Ossilegium Hellenisticae Sive Appendice ad Confutationem Excercitationis De Hellenistica. He refuted the argument that the language of the Septuagint (Heinsius called it "Hellenistica") is a dialect because there is no nation like the Hellenists. Salmasius agreed that languages ​​can change. But using borrowing, contact phenomena, and language usage as the basis for identifying a new variety of language, as Heinsius did, is not enough. Considine sees a rigid sense of lineage and precedent in Salmasius' critique of Heinsius' taxonomy and nomenclature. In any case, both the books of Heinsius and Salmasius are landmarks in the historiography of Greek and important sources for the best ideas of the time on the relationship of languages.32 It is not clear which book Van Schurman received from Salmasius because she did not call it of title. She was also a friend of Daniel Heinsius, Salmasius' bitter enemy. She indicates in her Greek letter that she appreciates all books, old and new, on the subject of the Greek language. This could mean that she has also read the Heinsius books. Now that she had a new book on the Greek language, she felt more compelled to write a letter in Greek to him, the teacher of the Attic Muses.

32

Considina 2012: 296–298.

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ILL.7. Letter from Van Schurman to Salmasius. Van Schurman 1652: 164-165. (private collection). Anna Maria van Schurman wishes good luck to the noble and wise Lord Claudius Salmasius. I was very happy and honored to receive letters from him, which unmistakably show his kindness to me. Now you have given me another clear example of that kindness by giving me a beautiful gift. I have high expectations that this lion germ will be extremely useful for my studies. As you know, this caused a stronger craving for the Greek language. I have certainly learned by experience that it is very pleasant to taste the old, clear, pure stream and the new streams that flow from it. And therefore you must not be surprised that I dare, in a small attempt for you, teacher of the Attic Muses, to speak Greek to you as if I were exchanging gold for bronze. The more so as I am so encouraged by your goodwill that I feel free to write you a letter.

33

Chalcea-Gold, Homer, Iliad VI, 236.

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Also, because you welcomed us into your home with kindness and elegance, and not only did you treat us to an exquisite lunch in every way, but you also fed our eyes with the sight of the goddess from your library. Therefore, I admit that I am very grateful to you and your wife. If there is any chance in the near future to repay your kindness in the best possible way by visiting our city. Taking leave! My brother humbly greets him, and we both greet the dear lady, his wife. Utrecht, in the year 1646 from the divine birth on the fourth day of the descending month of the Law of May. (November/December 1646.)

The polite letter is eloquently written in beautiful classical Greek with references to the Muses and Homer. Salmasius exchanges his gold (his letter and book on the Greek language) for her bronze (his letter). But it is not a learned letter like the one she wrote in Latin on the eloquence of Salmasius' De Transsubstantione (On Transubstantiation) and De cruce et hysoppo (On ​​the Cross and Hyssop).

Women Who Write Greek It was said by learned women of the past that "It was so fashionable that the fair sex seemed to think that Greek and Latin added to their charm, and that Plato and Aristotle, untranslated, were often adornments of their wardrobes. . .” .”35 But although we know that not a few women were able to write in Latin, as shown by the books Women Writing Latin (3 vols., 2001) and Women Latin Poets (2005), research on women writing in Greek Latin during the Renaissance, 36 Van Schurman corresponded with some of the learned ladies of Europe (its so-called female republic of scholars): Queen Christina of Sweden, Marie Jars du Gournay, Bathsua Makin, Dorothea Moore, Elisabeth van der Palts, Marie du Moulin and Birgitte Thott. We know that most of them learned Latin and Greek, but only a few texts by Anna Maria van Schurman and Bathsua Makin survive. In her work, Van Schurman draws on other women scholars from the past, as well as from her own life:( her favourite) Lady Jane Gray (1537–1554), Queen of England for 10 days and martyr, Queen Elizabeth I and Lucrezia Marinelli (1571–1653), author of, among others, La nobiltà et l'eccellenza delle donne co' diffetti et mancamenti by gli uomini (The nobility 34 35 36

Siehe Van Schurman 1652: 139–152. 'Herr. Wotton’ em: The Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure (93) Londres, 1793: 288. Churchill, Brown, Jeffrey 2002; Stevenson 2005; Van Beek 1995; Parker 1997, 2002, 2003.

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and Excellence of Women and the Defects and Vices of Men, Venice, 1601), a book she had read. persecution, she endured bombing raids in Schweinfurt and tragically died in Heidelberg, Germany. She was attacked by some as a "Calvinist Amazon" but hailed by others as an inspiration to all women scholars for her speeches, dialogues, letters, and poems in Latin (and some in Greek). It is known that even Goethe was inspired by her letters. She is mentioned as one of the prima donna examples in the correspondence between Van Schurman and Andreas Rivet on the subject of educated women. Her work was in the library of Voetius, Van Schurman's neighbor and teacher, and in the Labadist library. 38 Although only a small part of Van Schurman's work survives in Greek, we can see in her letters her involvement in issues relevant to her time. Her Latin lyrics were imitated (among others) by the Swedish poet Elisabeth Brenner.39 Could her lyrics be Greek too? Only after we have dug up the entire field of early modern Greek female writers will we know: "Ansikte mot ansikte", face to face and πρόσωπον πρὸς πρόσωπον (1 Corinthians 13:12).

Bibliography I. Livros Antigos Makin, Bathsua (1673). Essay on the Renaissance of the Ancient Education of Gentlewomen. London: Parkhurst. Mollerus, John (1744). Cimbria literate or writers led by both Schleswig and Holstein. Copenhagen: Gottmann Friedrich Kisel; Royal orphanage. Ramos, Pedro (1605). Petri Rami's Greek Grammar, especially in so far as it differs from Latin. Hanau: Claude de Marne; John Aubry. Van Beverwijck (1642). Inleydinge tot de Hollandse Geneesmiddelen ou mensema muito curta de que todo país tem ghenoegh para preserver a vida e a saúde dos habitantes. Dordrecht: Hendrick van Esch; Jasper Gorisz. Van Beverwijck (1664). it works Medicina consistindo no tesoro de Gesontheyt, o tesoro de Onsontheyt, Heel-konste. Amsterdam: Jan Jacobs Schipper.

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Van Schurman 1652: 63, 72-73, 80-81, 85, 154, 253. Voetius 1677: Libri Miscellanei in Octavo, No. 42 Olympiae Fulviae Opera; Van Schurman os menciona em Van Schurman 1652:165; ver também Parker 2003, Van Beek 2016. 39 Göransson 2012; ver também Van Beek 2002. 38

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Van Schumann (1648). Pamphlets in Hebrew, Greek, Latin and French. Prosaic and metric. Leiden: Elzevier. Van Schumann (1650). Pamphlets in Hebrew, Greek, Latin and French. Prosaic and metric. Leiden: Elzevier. Van Schumann, Anna Maria (1639). Pael-steen vanden tijdt onzes levens [...]. Dordrecht: Jaspis Gorisz. Van Schumann, Anna Maria (1647). Pael-steen vanden tijdt onzes levens [...]. Amsterdam: Joost Broersz. Van Schumann, Anna Maria (1652). Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and French tracts, prosaic and metric. Utrecht: Jan van Waasbergen (Wassberge). Voetius (Voet), Gijsbert (1677). A library of diverse and notable books [...]. Departs before Utrecht: Willem Clerck.

II.Modern Works Buckley, Veronica (2011). Christina, Queen of Sweden. London etc.: Harper Perennial. CHURCHILL, Laurie; Brown, Phyllis; Jeffrey, Jane E. (2002). Women who wrote Latin from Roman antiquity to early modern Europe. In three volumes. New York; London: Rouledge. Considine, John (2012). "Claudius Salmasius and the Lifelessness of the Neo-Latin." - SteinerWeber, A. (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latin Upsaliensis. To suffer; Boston: Brill, 295-305. Cooper, Alix (2007). The Invention of Native Americans. Local knowledge and natural history in early modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. De Navorscher I (1851) = De Navorscher. Dutch archive for genealogy and heraldry, history and history. amsterdam: s.n. Gin, Lisa (2007). "Depicting the "Phoenix Queen": Elizabeth I in the Writings of Anna Maria van Schurman and Anne Bradstreet." - Hageman, Elizabeth H.; Conway, Katherine (ed.), Reviving Elizabeth I in Seventeenth-Century England. Madison; Teaneck: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 168-184. Goransson, Elisabeth (2012). "Definition of a subgenre. Aspects of imitation and intertextuality in the correspondence of women scholars in the early modern period.” - SteinerWeber, A. (eds.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latin Upsaliensis. Vol. 1. Suffering; Boston: Bright, 415-427. Kossmann, Friedrich Karl Heinrich (ed.) (1925). Poems by Anna Roemers Visscher ter aanvulling van de uitgave harer poems by Nicolaas Beets.'s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff (http://www.dbnl.org/arch/viss001fkos01_01/pag/viss001fkos01_01.pdf). Parker, Holt N. (1997). "Latin Poetry and Greek by five Italian Renaissance humanists." - Miller, Paul Allen; Ouro, Barbara K.; Platter, Charles (ed.), Sex and Gender in Medieval and Renaissance Texts. Albany: State University of New York Press, 247-85 Parker, N. Holt (2002). "Olympia Fulvia Morata (1526/7–1555): Humanist, Heretic, Heroine." - Churchill, Laurie J.; Brown, Phyllis; Jeffrey, Jane E. (ed.), Women

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Writing Latin: From Roman Antiquity to Early Modern Europe. Vol. 3. The first modern women to write Latin. New York; London: Routledge, 133-165. Parker, N. Holt (2003). Olympia Morata, The Complete Writings of an Italian Heretic. Chicago; London: Chicago University Press. Schotel, Gilles Dionisio Jacob (1853). Anna Maria van Schumann. 's-Hertogenbosch: Müller. Stevenson, Jane (2005). Latin poets. Language, Gender and Authority, from Antiquity to the 18th Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Teague, Frances (1998). Bathsua Makin, Woman of Learning. Lewisburg: Bucknell UP & Associated UP. Van Beek, Pieta (1995). "One language is enough for one woman: the Greek correspondence between Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-1678) and Bathsua Makin (1600-167?)." - Dutch Crossing 19, 22-48. Van Beek, Pietá (1997). Small work: from Opuscula Hebraea Graeca Latina et Gallica, prosaica et metric by Anna Maria van Schurman (1607–1678). Stellenbosch (http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/beek017klei01_01/beek017klei01_01_0077.php). Van Beek, Pietá (1998). "O angelic maagdelijkheid": de correspondentie in Grieks tussen Meletios Pantogalus en Anna Maria van Schurman." - Acta Patristica et Byzantinica 11, 180-198. Van Beek, Pietá (2002). "Alpha Virginum: Anna Maria van Schurman (1607– 1678)." - Churchill, LaurieJ.; Brown, Phyllis; Jeffrey, Jane E. (ed.), Women Who Write Latin: From Roman Antiquity to Early Modern Europe. Vol. 3. The First Modern Women Who Write Latin. Nova york; London: Routledge, 271-293. Van Beek, Pietá (2004). "Ardens martyrii desiderium: in the martyrium of Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-1678)." - The Netherlands as a crossroads of religious beliefs. (Intersections Yearbook for Early Modern Studies; 3.) Leiden; Boston: Brilliant, 247-265. Van Beek, Pietá (2007). The first student: Anna Maria van Schurman (1636). Utrecht: Matrijs en Universiteit Utrecht. Van Beek, Pietà (2010). The first student: Anna Maria van Schurman (1636). Utrecht: Igitur (http://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/235540). (Translation by Va n Beek 2007.) Van Beek, Pieta (2014a). "About God": An Unknown Florilegium by Anna Maria van Schurman (ca. 1625). (Schurmanniana; 1.) Ridderkerk: Provily Pers. Van Beek, Pieta (2014b). 'A new letter': a known letter from Anna Mariavan Schurman to Johannes Vollenhoven (1668). Ridderkerk:ProvilyPers. Van Beek, Pieta (2015a). 'Verslonden door zijn liefde': a known letter from Anna Mariavan Schurman to Petrus Montanus (1669). Ridderkerk:ProvilyPers. Van Beek, Pieta (2015b). 'Herrezen uit de as': burne lofgeschriftenvan Rotger to the mountains ter erevan Anna Mariavan Schurman (1649-1655). Ridderkerk:ProvilyPers.

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Van Beek, Pieta (2016). Exhibitor. The Anna Maria van Schurman library and the Labadist library catalogues. With the participation of Joris Bürmann. Ridderkerk: Provily Press. Van der Stighelen, Katlijne (1987). Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-1678) or "How High Can a Man Climb in Art". Leuven: Leuven University Press.

Abstract In this article you will find an overview, analysis and translation of the Greek correspondence of the scholar Anna Maria van Schurman: her letters to the Leiden professor Claudius Salmasius, the scholar physician Johan van Beverwijck of Dordrecht, the British governess Bathsua Makin and Meletios Pantogalos, Bishop of the Greek Orthodox Church at Ephesus (Turkey), and letter from Meletios to Van Schurman.

UMA CARTA GREGA NÃO PUBLICADA DE ISMAËL BULLIALDUS PARA ANNA MARIA VAN SCHURMAN Antoine Haaker Pieta van Beeks1 A discussão das cartas gregas de Anna Maria van Schurman durante a conferência é a inspiração para o presente artigo. A publicação dos Proceedings oferece, ao que parece, uma excelente oportunidade para acrescentar ao corpus da correspondência grega de Van Schurman, conhecida desde a publicação de seus opuscula no século XVII, uma carta de Ismaël Bullialdus que lemos há alguns anos no National Biblioteca Viena. Este breve artigo, contendo a primeira edição desta carta, pretende, portanto, ser uma espécie de apêndice à contribuição mais geral de Pieta van Beek (Van Beek 2018), onde os leitores não familiarizados com Van Schurman e seus escritos gregos encontrarão todas as informações de que precisam irá satisfazer a sua curiosidade. Diremos aqui algumas palavras sobre Bullialdus e as circunstâncias em que ele escreveu a carta. Em seguida, faremos uma transcrição do texto grego antes de concluir com algumas breves reflexões sobre o conteúdo da carta. Ismaël Bullialdus (em francês Ismaël Boulliau, muitas vezes escrito Boulliaud) nasceu em Loudun em 1605 em uma família calvinista e estudou direito e teologia em Paris e Poitiers. Depois de se converter ao catolicismo e ser ordenado sacerdote, viajou para a Itália e para o Levante. Mais tarde, ele visitou a Holanda, Alemanha e Polônia, mas passou a maior parte de sua vida em Paris, onde morreu em 1694 aos 89 anos. Através de suas viagens, sua correspondência e da academia, ele se reuniu em torno dos irmãos Dupuy em Paris (o famoso gabinete Dupuy), Bullialdus estabeleceu contatos com um grande número de estudiosos proeminentes de toda a Europa. Ele estava interessado em uma variedade de assuntos, como igreja e história mundial, teologia e matemática, mas seu principal campo de estudo era a astronomia. Sua escrita 1

Research related to this article would not have been possible without a generous grant from the Polish National Science Center (2011/N/HS2/02108). I would like to thank Pieta van Beek for providing me with a publication that I needed and Janika Päll for organizing a great conference and giving us the rare opportunity to meet and discuss humanistic Greek.

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Work in this field has earned him a great reputation in the academic world. His most important work, Astronomia philolaica (1645), was considered by historians of science to be one of the most important contributions to astronomy between Kepler and Newton, to whom he proposed the law of gravitation.2 The text of the letter under discussion here is preserved at the National Library Austrian (Vindobonensis Palatinus 7049, f. 78, see fig.). It is not the letter actually sent to Van Schurman, but a handwritten transcription of it.3 It seems to have remained unknown, as Pieta van Beek, a Van Schurman expert, was kind enough to confirm. It is dated τῇ τετάρτῃ ἐπὶ δέκα τοῦ βοηδρομιῶνος (i.e. September) 1651. By this time, Bullialdus had just arrived in Holland, where he accompanied the young Antoine d'Aubray to various parts of the country and around people like Maria van Reigersbergh, widow of Grotius, in The Hague, David Blondel and John Frederick Gronovius in Amsterdam, Jacob Golius and Daniel Heinsius in Leiden, and many others. In Utrecht he addressed the following letter to the most famous scholar of his day (we transcribe the text with only minor changes in punctuation, accentuation and diarrhea, but without his spelling: "ἐκ πολλοῦ ὰὰ χρόνου τὴν σοφhood ἀαἐ στὴν στόν στν fund καᶽτ πανθς ἐἐήα ασ καὶ πρὸς πάντας ἐἐρυξα. ἀποτυχὼν δὲ τῆς ἐλπιζομένης εὐτυχίας τίνα μέμψομαι οὐκ οἶδα. τὸν Δία τὸν ξένιον ἐπικαλῶ ἀμυνόμενόν μου. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις δίκην σοι γράψω δικαστὴν προσκαλῶν τὴν σοφοτάτην καὶ ὑπερδοξοτάτην τὴν Ἐλιζαβηθ παλατινὴν πρίνκιπα (αὑτὴ μέντοιγε τῆς ὁμιλίας ἐτίμησε , αὐτός τε ἀδελφὸς πρίνκεψ ἐλεκτὼρ τῆς τραπέζης ἠξίωσε) μάρτυρας προσάγων Σαλμάσιον, φίλτατον ἄνδρα, καὶ ἐν τοῖς σπουδαίοις τὸν πάνυ, καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους ἐνδοξοτάτους . ἡμᾶς δὲ ἐὰν προσδέχῃ παντελῶς οὐκ ἀμαύρους καὶ ἀγνώστοϿυς, οὔποτιεεια. "

2

For Bullialdus in general, see Nellen 1994. For a detailed description of the contents of this manuscript, see Tannery 1901. 4 On this trip, see Nellen 1994 and Bots 1974, which provides twelve letters from Bullialdus to Jacques Dupuy during his trip to Holland, supplemented by a detailed commentary. 3

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DOENTE. The autograph of the letter of Ismaël Buillaldus. Vindobonensis Palatinus 7049, f. 78. Courtesy of the National Library of Austria.

But Graecum est, non legitur. At the request of the editor of these lectures, I provide a translation here: Best wishes to the most noble and erudite Virgin Mary van Schurman Ismaël Bullialdus. I arrived in this city of Utrecht expecting to chat with you and for that I congratulated myself. Indeed, I have long been an admirer of your learning and your extraordinary virtue, which I have proclaimed to all. I don't know who to blame for not having the luck I expected. I call Jove, Patron of Hospitality, to defend me. By the way, I

An unpublished Greek letter from Ismaël Bullialdus to Anna Maria van Schurman

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bring a lawsuit against you, summoning the learned and very illustrious Elizabeth, Princess of the Palatinate, as judge (for she at least honored me with her company, as her own brother the Elector thought me worthy of her table), and citing our dear Salmasius, famous among scholars, and many other famous men as witnesses. But if you welcome us, neither completely obscure nor unknown, you will never regret it. On September 14, 1651 at the inn on Konigsstrasse in Utrecht.

For some reason, it appears that Van Schurman initially refused to conceive Bullialdus. The Frenchman had a great interest in erudite women. At a time when the world of knowledge was essentially male, he was fascinated by those rare and extraordinary women who cultivated scholarship: Elisabeth von der Pfalz (Princess Elisabeth of Bohemia), Christina of Sweden, Maria Cunitia and, of course, Anna Maria van Schurman. 5 As Nellen noted, women hardly have a place in Bullialdus' correspondence. If he mentions them in his letters, they are always conventional greetings or congratulations on birth. But when it comes to one of these erudite feminae, he shows a lot of enthusiasm. Here is an interesting passage in which Bullialdus ranks Maria Cunitia among the most learned women of her time, along with Queen Christina, Princess Elizabeth, and Van Schurman; appears at the beginning of a letter addressed to Praeclarissimae ac sapientissimae foeminae Mariae Cunitiae.6 Before explaining his criticism of Cunitias Urania propitia, Bullialdus writes the following: Opus immensum tuum ac aeternitate dignum, clarissima foemina, in manus meas nostri Iohannis Hevelii, viri incomparabilis καὶ τοῦ ἐν τοῖς ἀστρονόμοις πάνυ, liberalize tandem pervenit. quanta aviditate illud primo devoraverim,

5

For Bullialdus and thin women in general, see Nellen 1994: 199; especially on his relationship with Christina of Sweden, see ibid.: 207-215. The French astronomer, who wanted to dedicate one of his works to Christina, met her in Paris in 1654. Princess Elisabeth also met him in person, as our Greek chart shows. As for the Silesian astronomer Maria Cunitia (Cunitz), he was in contact with her through their mutual friend Hevelius and received from her a copy of her book entitled Urania propitia. It may be interesting to note that Bullialdus also exchanged letters with the writer Arcangela Tabarotti, whom he helped to publish her book. Their correspondence was recently published by Westwater 2012. In the lengthy introduction (97ff.), Westwater discusses Bullialdus' relationship with women scholars. 6 Bullialdus' autographed copy of his letter to Maria Cunitia of April 25, 1652. BnF, ms. fr. 13043, f. 29r. In the Latin citations I have included Bullialdus' own corrections, changed "&" to "et" and written ii instead of ij. Otherwise, the original spelling and punctuation have been retained.

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after that I will not be able to report to you with a hard and heavy litter. His insight into heavenly things was pleasant and agreeable. The sharp, bright splendor and vigor of my mind pleased me no less than this spring and these flowers, blown by the sweet breeze, exuding pleasant aromas and coloring the earth with various native colors. I also looked on in amazement at his persistence in unearthing such a massive mass of stone. To underline the fame of your name, if I collected here six hundred times the common passages sung by others, a prayer would always sink below its dignity, trying in vain to reach the summit of Olympus, where your name is already inscribed. Indeed, past centuries have produced miracles; I will mention here two Egyptian women who devoted themselves to mathematical studies, Hypatia, daughter of Theon of Alexandria, very talented in astronomy, and Ptolemais of Cyrenaica, who wrote books of music. It is true that at this time their race asserts itself far beyond its own strength; therefore, I am right in assuming that nature plays with us and surrounds women's bodies with male souls. Why shouldn't I believe that sometimes, by game or error, it mingled with spirits and bodies of different orders, equally hermaphrodites, and ate the doubles that the cove hides? You study the arts and sciences so closely that you are willing to dictate commandments and passages to the people themselves. to the mysteries of ἐπόπτειαν you became hierophants καὶ δαδοῦχοι you lead us. But I checked the pen; for for the treatment of men (I mean liberal disciplines) you were born with a clear writing [dissertation...on the faculty of the female intellect for knowledge (1638)], the famous Anna Maria a Schurman, which has already proved to be sufficient to the whole world had the voluptuous and elegant fetus of an extraordinary genius [A letter to John Beverovicius on the length of human life (1639)]. This century will be a noble one for posterity, illuminated and adorned with various doctrines by the gayest Queen Christina of Sweden, the most glamorous Princess Elisabeth of the Palatinate, Anna Maria a Schurman and Maria Cunitia, and taking the shine out of even the greatest men.

He also collected material on learned women and helped his friend Louis-Jacob de Saint-Charles compile resumes of famous women.7 Given this interest in learned women, it is understandable why he did not want to miss a unique opportunity to meet Anna. maria7

Cf. the letter to Dupuy published by Bots 1974: 52–53 and another letter from Bullialdus to Hevelius asking for material on Cunitia, cited by Bots 1974: 56. Some of the material collected by Bullialdus is still in search of its documents. For example, in BnF, ms. fr. 13040, which contains letters addressed to or copied from Bullialdus, can be found on f.6r: excerpts from an Italian letter from Antonio Magliabechi to Gilles Ménage about the Spaniard Juliana Morella, the first woman with a university degree; f. 154: a copy in Bullialdus's hand of a letter from Anna Maria van Schurman to Claudius Salmasius (this was made before the letter was printed, as appears from some divergent readings found in both Bullialdus' apography and the original letter are preserved in BnF, MS lat. 8594, ff. 118–119); and in f. 256r, an excerpt from a letter by Johann Georg Graevius about Gabrielle-Charlotte Patin, the scholarly daughter of Charles Patin.

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Van Schumann. He wrote her letter to persuade her to change her mind. It does this in two ways: first, by demonstrating its author's association with two important figures close to her, Elisabeth von der Pfalz and Claudius Salmasius8; then displaying his erudition through the use of the Greek language. Both Elisabeth von der Pfalz and Claudius Salmasius held important status, the former as an intelligent princess, the latter as an important figure in the Republic of Letters. Both knew Van Schurman, whom they met personally and with whom they exchanged letters. about the Dutch woman in the preface to his Miscellae defensiones.10 So it was a clever strategy by Bullialdus. The letter's use of Greek was also a powerful argument, and Van Schurman was quite receptive to it. It was the best sign of learning. The work of Louis-Jacob de Saint-Charles is lost, except for the Elogium Annae Mariae a Schurman, published during the author's lifetime. It is found in Van Schurman 1652:346-364. 8 Bullialdus was a close friend of Salmasius, with whom he often met in Dupuy's office in Paris and with whom he exchanged letters (Vindobonensis Palatinus 7050 contains numerous original letters from Salmasius to Bullialdus in ff. 143–264; letters from Bullialdus to Salmasius are at 7, and preserved in the National Library of France, Ms. fr. 3930, ff. 409–416.) Here is Bullialdus's intelligent and clear judgment of the great French scholar, and particularly of his deficient knowledge of science: [Salmasius ] in amplissimo illo tractatu de Annis Climactericis ... nullam de artis praeceptis scientiam sibi paravisse prodit, solam Graecarum vocum notionem, At vero quid mirum? voluit Salmazius omnia perlustrare: Diophanti arithmeticam olim cum MSS. codicibus Heidelbergae contulit, qui Mathesim ne quidem a limine salutaverat. de Astrologicis scribere, qui prima artis elementa nesciebat, aggressus est quod Mss. Codices publici iuris haud legisset facts. Noli tamen ea sic accipere, ac si Fama tanti viri detrahere molirer; passing through a me tantum scelus; nefas sane foret mortui chamam lacerare, cuius amicitiam, dum vixit, colui; erat procul dubio vir ille omnium Europaeorum doctissimus; Libros Pene Infinitos Evolverat et Attente Legerat; judicio erat acri praeditus, memoria etiam pene divina; maximi vero facienda est illius indoles et morum facilitas; et in colloquiis familiaribus leporem, venustatem et urbanitatem ipsius admirari convenit. Sibi ac nominis splendori ipse defuit, cum scripta nunquam relegeret, quae exbundaissimo ingenii et memoriae penu promebat. After pointing out Scaliger's errors in astronomy and geometry, Bullialdus adds: Illi tamen naevi virorum illustrium splendori ac claritudini non officint; uterque enim,when de rebus sibi tantum per nebulam notis disserunt, when a scopo aberrant, fine caeteros professor, quae ab aliis frustra wanted quaereret. (BnF, ms. fr. 13026, f. 21) 9 See two letters from Van Schurman to Princess Elizabeth in Van Schurman 1652: 249-255 and 266-269. The same volume contains on pages 121-139 several letters from Van Schurman to Salmasius in Latin, French and Greek; 139-152; 164-165; 177-179; 186-188; 285-286; 286-289. Another letter was edited by L. Paris (1859:62). 10 See Salmasius 1645, in the introductory letter to Dupuy (not paginated). For Van Schurman's verses in praise of Salmasius, see Van Schurman 1652:308.

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the shortest way for Bullialdus to demonstrate that he, too, belonged to the Republic of Letters. It is true that bullialdus sometimes reveals an imperfect command of the language. The letter, while short, has some gross grammatical errors, such as the malformed superlative σοφότατος instead of σοφώτατος, or the incorrect use of οὐκ instead of μή after ἐάν. Its spelling is sometimes approximate (cf. Ἐλιζαβηθ), and there are some poetic expressions. Finally, Bullialdus was not very elegant in dealing with noble titles unknown to the ancients. He simply rewrote the Latin terms as a Byzantine author would have done. He therefore does not hesitate to write παλατίνη πρίνκεψ (i.e. πρίγκεψ) instead of using ἡ βασιλὶς π παλατίνη, or πρίνκεψ ἐλ΁ψ ἐλ΁κ. for. In comparison, a skilful ancient Greek writer, such as Simon Stenius in his Life of Maurice, Duke of Saxony (1592)11, used ἄρχων τῶν ἑπτά and εἷς τῶν ἑπτά to convey the same idea, which are much happier expressions and remind the reader educated from οἱ τριάκοντα, famous in the history of Athens. Yet Bullialdus's style, despite its faults, proves to be pleasing, and Van Schurman, who loved Greek, must have been sensitive to him, especially as he has humour. In fact, she responded positively to Bullialdus's request, who a few days later described her to Jacques Dupuy as "a girl as wise and modest as she was erudite" (une Damoizelle aussi sage et modeste qu'elle est scavante). letter had its own function fulfilled.

11

See Stenius 1611. The expressions quoted may be found on pages 449 and 451. See his letter from Amsterdam of September 19, 1651 in Bots 1974: 40. We learn in the same passage that Bullialdus wrote in detail everything he had done to obtain the found in a letter to Jacques-Auguste de Thou, the son of the famous historian, but unfortunately I could not find him. He may also have informed us of the encounter. We also know from the same source that during his stay in Utrecht, Bullialdus visited Gisbert Voetius, Van Schurman's mentor. He may have facilitated or attended the meeting with Van Schurman, but those are just guesses. 12

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Bibliography I. Handwritten sources Leiden University Library Pap. 7 'Unpublished autographed letters from physicians to Cl. Salmasius' National Library of France, Paris (BnF) Mrs. Fr. 3930 'Lettres de divers princes, seigneurs et hommes doctes escrites a Monsieur de Saumaise' Mme. Fr. 13026 Correspondence and documents by Ismaël Bullialdus. LADY. Fr. 13040 Correspondence and documents by Ismaël Bullialdus. LADY. Fr. 13043 Correspondence and documents by Ismaël Bullialdus. LADY. lat.8594, "An autographed letter from Hugh Grotius, Christian Becmanni, Christopher Adam Rupert, Thomas Reinesius, and other leading men in praise of the teachings of Claudius Salmasius." Austrian National Library, Vienna Vindobonenses Palatine 7049 and 7050 [Hohend. f. 135] “A very large collection of autographed letters. by several famous men who lived in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The collector arranged each letter alphabetically by author's name.

II Antique Prints Bullialdus, Ismaël (1645). Philolaic Astronomy. A new work in which the motion of the planets is demonstrated by a new and true hypothesis. And the half-movements are established on the basis of various observations of the manuscripts of the Royal Library hitherto unknown to all astronomers. And based on these assumptions, the tables published by all are the simplest. A new method has been added to conveniently calculate solar eclipses without solving spherical triangles to study parallax. The history, rise, and progress of astronomy are described in the Prolegomena, and those which now appear for the first time in this work are briefly enumerated. Paris: Simon Piget. Cunicia, Maria (1650). Urania propitiae, or astronomical tables astonishingly simple under the power of complex physical hypotheses produced by Kepler, a summary of the simplest calculation without any mention of logarithms satisfying the phenomena. Maria Cunitia communicates the use of these present, exact, and future tenses (adding yet a more precise and quite harmonious reduction to the simpler superiors of Saturn and Jupiter) in a double idiom, Latin and vernacular, succinctly prescribed with the Cultivators of the Art. new and long-desired / easy astronomical tables / through which mediation is provided in a particularly agile way / of all planetary movements / according to length / width / and other coincidences / at all times past / present / and futures. The

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Antoine Hacker

Very good / delivered to the art lovers of the German nation. Pitschen (now Byczyna): Johann Seyffert (at his own expense). [Salmasius, Claudius] (1645). Several defenses for Cl. Salmasio On various observations and additions to Attic and Roman law. Leiden: Jean Maire. Stenius, Simon (1611). "The life of the most courageous and lauded Duke Moritz of Saxony, former Elector, written in Greek." - Various hitherto almost unknown writers on German affairs. Who a few centuries ago under Charles V Imp. They contain the most memorable events. The third volume now published for the first time. From the library and review by Marquard Freheri, Board of Ore Palatinate. Hanau: The Heirs of Claude Marne, 447–459. Van Schumann, Anna Maria (1638). Amica Dissertation between Anna Maria Schurmann and Andrea Rivetus on the scientific capacity of the female genius. Paris: s.n. Van Schumann, Anna Maria (1639). "An answer about the end of life." - Beverovicius, Johannes, Epistolary question about the end of life, fatal or movable? With professional answers. The third and final part is being published for the first time. A separate letter from Schurman to the noblest and most learned Virgin Anna Maria on the same subject, the culmination of the entire discussion. Also another on the same subject by John Elichman, M.D. fabric of the spirit and memories of the Arabs and Persians. Leiden: Jean Maire, 112-132. Van Schumann, Anna Maria (1652). Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, prose and metric tracts. The third edition, enlarged and improved. Utrecht: Johannes van Waesberge.

III. Modern Works Bots, Hans (1974). "Ismaël Boulliau, His Travels in Holland." - Lias I, 1, 29-62. Nellen, Henk Johannes Maria (1994). Ismaël Boulliau (1605–1694), astronomer, letter writer, novelist, and science communicator. His relations with circles of "learned debauchery". Amsterdam: APA-Holland University Press. Paris, Louis (ed.) (1859). "Claude Saumaise. Letters to him from Mlle de Schurman, J.G. de Schurman, Guil. Boswel, Josias Saumaise, Chanut, Ambassador of France in Lübeck, and Abbé Bourdelot.” – Le Cabinet historique, Tom. VI, 60-71. Tannery, Paul (1901). "Notes on the French manuscripts of Munich 247252 and Vienna 7049-7050." - Annales Internationales d'Histoire. Paris Congress 1900. Paris, 297-310. Van Beek, Pietà (2018). "Ὣς ῥόδον ἐν ἀκάνθαις - 'Like a Rose Among Thorns': Anna Maria van Schurman and Her Correspondences in Greek." - Päll, Janika; Volt, Ivo (ed.) , Hellenostephanos. Humanistic Greek in Early Modern Europe: Scholarly Communities Between Ancient and Contemporary Culture. (Acta Societatis Morgensterniane; 6–7.) Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 414–437. Westwater, Lynn Lara (2012)." A friendship rediscovered in the republic of letters: the unpublished correspondence of Arcangela Tarabotti and Ismaël Boulliau." - Renaissance Quarterly 65.1, 67–134.

An unpublished Greek letter from Ismaël Bullialdus to Anna Maria van Schurman

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Abstract This article contains a Greek letter written by the scholar Ismaël Bullialdus to Anna Maria van Schurman during a trip to the Netherlands in 1651. The Greek text of the letter is reproduced here from an autograph manuscript preserved at the Austrian National Library in Vienna (Vindobonensis Palatinus 7049 , Bl. 78). It is accompanied by an introduction to the circumstances of its origin, an English translation, and a detailed discussion of the contents.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS Johanna Akujärvi (PhD) is an associate professor (professor) of Greek and researcher at the Center for Languages ​​and Literatures at Lund University, Sweden. Address: Box 201, 221 00 Lund, Sweden. The e-mail:[Email protected]Bartosz Awianowicz (Dr. habil.) is Professor of Classics at Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń, Poland. Address: Faculty of Languages, NCU, ul. Staromiejska Fossa 3, PL-87 100 Torun, Poland. E-mail: Bartosz.[Email protected]Gita Bērziņa (PhD) is an assistant professor and head of the Department of Classical Studies and Anthropology at the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Latvia. Address: 4a Visvalža Street, Riga LV1050, Latvia. The e-mail:[Email protected]net.lv Jean-Marie Flamand (Dr. Phil.) is a researcher at the IRHT (Institute for Textual Research and Textual History, National Center for Scientific Research), Humanism Section. Address: 40, avenue d'Iéna, 75116 Paris, France. The e-mail:[Email protected]Christian Host (Dr.) is Associate Professor and Senior Researcher at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Address: Austrian Academy of Sciences; Medieval Research Institute, Byzantine Research Department, Hollandstrasse 11-13, 4th floor, A-1020 Vienna; Austria. The e-mail:[Email protected]Antoine Haaker (M.A.) is a PhD candidate at the Institute of Classical, Mediterranean and Oriental Studies at the University of Wrocław, Poland. Address: Institute of Classical, Mediterranean and Oriental Studies, Komuny Paryskiej 21, 50-451 Wrocław, Poland. The e-mail:[Email protected]Kaspar Kolk is a librarian at the Department of Manuscripts and Ancient Books at the University Library of Tartu and a researcher at the Academic Library at Tallinn University, Estonia. Address: Tartu University Library, W. Struve 1, Tartu 50091, Estonia. The e-mail:[Email protected]

About the authors

449

Tua Korhonen (PhD) is Associate Professor and University Researcher at the University of Helsinki, Finland. Address: Unioninkatu 40 A (PO Box 24), 00014 University of Helsinki, Finland. The e-mail:[Email protected]helsinki.fi Walther Ludwig (Dr. phil., Dr. h.c.) is Emeritus Professor of Classical Philology at the Institute of Greek and Latin Philology at the University of Hamburg, Germany. Address: Institute of Greek and Latin Philology, University of Hamburg, Von-Melle-Park 6, 20146 Hamburg, Germany. The e-mail:[Email protected]Alessandra Lukinovich (Dr. Phil.) is a retired professor of Greek at the University of Geneva. Address: 99 rue de Carouge CH-1205 Geneva, Switzerland. The e-mail:[Email protected]Charalampos Minaoglou (PhD) is a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Athens. Postal address: Zanneion College, 6Kolokotroni St., 18531, Piraeus, Greece. The e-mail:[Email protected]Janika Päll (PhD) is Professor of Classics at the University of Tartu and Senior Research Fellow at the University Library of Tartu, Estonia. Address: Institute of Classical Studies, Faculty of Foreign Languages ​​and Cultures, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Tartu, Lossi3, 51003 Tartu, Estonia. The e-mail:[Email protected]Vlado Rezar (Ph.D.) is Associate Professor and Head of the Department of Classics at the University of Zagreb, Croatia. Address: Institute of Classical Philology, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Zagreb, Ivana Lucića 3, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia. The e-mail:[Email protected]Erkki Sironen (PhD) is Professor of Ancient Greek Language and Literature and Adjunct Professor (Professor) of Greek Philology at the University of Helsinki. Address: Classic Institute, P.O. Box 24, FI-00014 University of Helsinki, Finland. The e-mail:[Email protected]Martin Steinrück (Dr. Habil.) is a private professor at the Institute of Classical Studies and the Byzantine World at the University of Fribourg, Switzerland. Address: Chair of Classical Philology, Institute of Classical and Byzantine Studies, University of Freiburg, 16 Rue Pierre-Aeby, CH-1700 Freiburg, Switzerland. The e-mail:[Email protected]

450

About the authors

Pieta Van Beek (PhD) is Research Associate at the Institute for Cultural Inquiry, University of Utrecht, The Netherlands, and Research Fellow at the Faculty of Theology, University of Stellenbosch, South Africa. Addresses: ICON (Institute for Cultural Research), Muntstraat 2A, 3512 EV Utrecht, The Netherlands; Faculty of Theology, Dorp Street 171, 7600 Stellenbosch, South Africa. Emails:[Email protected],[Email protected]Tomas Veteikis (PhD) is a professor in the Department of English, Romance and Classical Philology, Vilnius University, Lithuania. Address: Institute of English, Romance and Classical Philology, Universiteto 5, LT-01513 Vilnius, Lithuania. The e-mail:[Email protected]Grigory Vorobyev (PhD) is a researcher at the Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences, Tuchkov per. 9, Saint Petersburg 199053, Russia. The e-mail:[Email protected]

PERSONENNAMENSVERZEICHNIS Aarma, Livius 59–61, 102, 151, 155 Abbathios, Hierotheos 418 Abel, Jenő 279, 295 Abukhanfusa, Kerstin 153, 155 Acciaiolo, Zenobius (Acciaiuoli (Azaroli), Zanobi) 393 Adamonytė, V. 352, 152; 353 Adelung, Adhard 116, 119 Aemstelredamus, Alardus 226 Aenelius, Georgius 184 Aeschines 417 Aeschylus 283, 290, 292 Aesop, Aesopica 13, 70, 150, 163, 185– 217, 397 Affelmann, 4361 Johann Iresoneo 2.0 20 Affelmann, 20 John Iresonius. Akkerman, Fokke 24, 34 Akujärvi, Johanna 9, 13, 140, 173, 181, 185, 186, 190, 192, 214, 215 Alain von Lille 218 Alberus, Erasmus 203, 211 Albinius, George (Albinijus, Jurgis) 339 Alexander , Hieronymus (Aleandro, Girolamo) 234, 235, 240–242 Alekna, Darius 337, 353 Alexander von Aphrodisias 325 Alfonso der Großmütige (Alfonso V. von Aragon), Vater von Ferdinand I. von Nápoles 306 Alkai os 302

Allen, Percy Stafford 239, 245 Allen, W. Sidney 121, 126 Almasi, Gabor 32, 34 Alpheus of Mytilene 396 Alstadius, John Jonah 148, 149 Alsted, John Heinrich 176–178, 181, 184 Altof, Kaja 58, 102 Amati , Girolamo 399–402, 404 Amsler, Mark 179, 181 Amyot, Jacques 237 Anacreon 43 Anaxagoras 67, 414, 416 Anaximenes 67 Andersson, Axel 149, 155 Andrea, Adam 71 Andrist, Patrick 61, 80, 102, 261, 262, 155; 262; 264–266, 270, 288, 295 Angelou, Alcis 120, 126 Anthimus, Bishop of Tyana 360 Aphthonius 223, 226 Apenis, Alexander 45, 55 Apollinarius of Laodicea 254, 264, 279, 282, n Rhodes 321, 392 Apuleius 191 Thomas Aquinas Arator von Ligurian 364 Aratus 176, 311, 319, 320 Arbusow, Leonid 61, 102 Ardizzoni, Anthos 318, 322, 334 Argillander, Andrew Andrew John 328, 391 Aristophanes 3 , 2 3 , 1 . 248 ;

452

index of personal names

Arndt, Johann Gottfried 42 Arosiander, Matthias Erici 72, 160, 161, 164, 180, 183 Arosiandrinus, Andreas Johannis 188, 189, 211 Arpenbeck, Hans 71 Asche, Matthias 58, 59, 102 Asconius Pedianus, Quintus 225 Aubray, Antoine d '439 Augustine 31, 177, 191, 364 Augustus, Sigismund 339 Aurivillius, Petrus 75, 88, 142, 184 Ausius, Henry 159, 167, 179, 183, 184 Awianowicz, Bartosz 13, 223, 226, 227 Babrios 2100 Bacchylides Bäckström , Per Olof 192, 215 Backus, Irena 340, 354 Baerent, Paul 154, 155 Balk (Balck), Nicolaus Henrici 185–189, 191, 192, 202–204, 206–212, 217 Balsem, Astrid 120, 126 Bardollet . Nápoles, Tochter von Ferdinand I. von Nápoles 306 Becker, Rötger (Pistorius, Rutgerus) 42 Béda, Noël 235, 238, 244 Beeck, Ericus von 69, 84, 88 Bekes, Enikö 24, 34

Bellarmino, Roberto (Bellarmine, Robert) 342, 353, 370, 371 Bembo, Giovanni 405 Benesevic, Vladimir 118, 126 Benessa, Damianus 14, 391–413 Benga, Daniel 19, 34 Bennich-Bjorkman, Bo 189, 215 Benoit, Alphonse 362 Ben-Tov, Asaph 19, 34, 58, 102 Berauld, Nicholas 238–240, 243, 244 Berg, Andreas 93 Berga, Renāte 52, 55 Bergcrantz, Håkan 148 Bergius, Ericus 99 Bergius, Olaus N. 99, 170, 243; 244; 244; 180 Bernardi, Jean 354, 358, 362 Bernardinello, Silvio 28, 34 Berquin, Louis de 243–244 Berziņa, Gita 12, 58–60, 84, 102 Bessarion 30, 310, 393 Bessemesser, Heinrich 44 Bethe, Erich 331, 333 , 334 Bethulejus, Xystus (Birck, Sixt) 386 Beyer, Jürgen 57, 84, 93, 103 Bienemann, Friedrich Gustav 154, 155 Bietenholz, Peter G. 235, 236, 239, 244, 245 Billy de Prunay, Jacques de (Billius Prunaeus, Jacobus) 338, 347, 350 Bion 93 Blandrata, Giovanni Giorgio 367 Blondel, David 439 Blume, Christoph 88 Boccaccio, Giovanni 20, 391 Bolognai, Gabor Bonifacio, Giovanni Bernardino 225 Bonisegni, Ioannes Battista siehe Buoninsegni, . Giambattista Bonus, Jacobus (Bunić, Jakov) 394, 402 Bonus, Michael 402 Borgeaud, Charles 261, 295 Bornemann, Christian 87, 89 Botley, Paul 33, 34 Bots, Hans 439, 442, 444, 446 Boulhol, Pascal 232, 245 Braccolini, Poggio

index of personal names

Bragadinus, Hieronymus 224 Braubach (Brubach), Peter 274 Brassicanus, Iohannes Alexander 32 Brenner, Elisabeth 434 Brenner, Zacharias 74 Brennerus, Martin(us) Canuti 133, 142 Brensztejn, Michał Eustachy 339, 354 Bretschneider, Karl Gottlieb 61, 103 Brever, Johann 42, 46, 48, 49 Bricko, Marina 397, 406 Brockmann, Reiner(us) 71, 87, 88, 92, 93 Brotze, Johann Christoph 43 Brown, Phyllis 433, 435 Brubach, Peter see Braubach, Peter Bruni, Leonardo 391 Brüningk, Heinrich 71 Brunius, Jan 153, 155 Brynda, Maryla 150 Buber, Martin 273, 279, 280, 286, 296 Bubulidis, Faidon 380, 383–386, 390 Buchanan, Georges 80, 261, 262 Buchholtz, Arend 45, 55 Buchholzer, Georg 61 Buck, Carl Darling 131, 140 Buckley, Veronica 430, 435 Budaeus, Johann Franciscus 82 Budé, Guillaume 232, 235, 238, 392 Buika, Mindaugas 341, 354 Buining, Anna 45, 52 Bullialdus (Boulliau, Boulliaud ), Ismaël 14, 438–447 Bunić, Jakov ver Bonus, Jacobus Buoninsegni, Giambattista / Giovanni Battista (Bonisegni, Ioannes Battista) 321, 32 2, 334, 393 Burgman (Purmerus), Johannes Johannis 75, 88, 135, 136, 142 Butler, Shane 397, 406 Bywater, Ingram 21, 34 Caesarius, irmão de Gregory of Nazianzus 358, 360 Caillau, Armand Benjamin 347, 363 Calboli Montefusco, Lucia 224, 227 Calliergis, Zacharias 274

453

Callimachus 43, 291, 293, 299, 300, 312, 319, 320, 364, 392 Callisto, Andronicus 393 Calpurnius Siculus, Titus 311 Calvin, John 237, 353, 367 Camerarius, Joachim 41, 93 Canart, Paul 28, 29, 367; 35, 380, 382, ​​​​​​​​386 Caragounis, Chrys C. 21, 34 Carlinus, Andreas Nicolai 133, 134, 142 Carlsson, Alfred Bernhard 147, 149, 155, 189, 215 Carnes, Pack 202, 206, 215 Carver , Robert H. F. 192 ... Caze, Helen 264, 295 Cederberg, A. R. 74 Cellerier, Camille 266 Celtis, Conrad 22, 25, 33 Ceresa, Massimo 379, 382, ​​​​386 Cerva, Aelius Lampridius (Crijević, Ilija) 397, 398, 400 Cervarius Tubero, Ludovicus (Crijević Tuberon, Ludovik) 397 Chalco(co)ndyles, Demetrius (Chalcondyles, Demetrios) 22, 391, 405 Chantraine, Peter 291, 295 Charhof, Martin 46, 47 Charles I. of England 423 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor 243, 395, 405 Charles VIII. da França 392 Carlos X. Gustavo da Suécia 75, 136 Carlos XI. von Schweden 41 Cheradame, Jean (Cheeradamus Sagiensis, John) 13, 91, 231–248 Chevallier, Antoine-Raoul 280, 294 Chirkova, Alexandra 379 Chodkiewicz, Alexander 343

454

index of personal names

Chodkiewicz, George (Chodkiewicz, Jerzy; Chodkevičius, Jurgis) 341, 343, 345, 346, 352, 375 Chodkiewicz, George, father of predecessor 343 Chodkiewicz, Hieronymus 345 Chodkiewicz, Mikołaj (Chokodkevi? Georgius) 272 Chrestien, Florent 13, 260 –298 Christian, Catharina 48 Christian, Diederich (Theodoricus) 48 Christidis, A.-F. 9, 15 Christierning, Petrus 147 Christina, Queen of Sweden 70, 75, 86, 87, 134, 170, 415, 430, 433, 441 Christodoros 79, 327 Chrysanthos, Patriarch of Jerusalem 116 Chrysoloras, Manuel 27, 235, 391, 393 Chrysostom(us), John (Joannes) 340, 341, 346, 349, 359, 361, 362, 371, 417 Churchill, Laurie 433, 435 Chytraeus, David 79, 203, 251, 252, 257, 258 Chytraeus, Nathan 193, 202, 203, 205–212 Cicero, Marcus Tullius 26, 31, 43, 173, 174, 176, 193, 199, 218–225, 311, 414 Cīrule, Brigita 40, 55 Čiurinskas, Mintautas 338, 354 Clario, Daniele 397 Classen, Carl Joachim 218, 220, 225, 227 Clemens of Alexandria 417 Clement VIII 352 Clenardus, Nicolaus 140 Clerk(e) (Clericus), John 236, 240 Clichtove, Josse 242 Collijn, Isaak 134–136, 140 Collmar, Magnus 186, 215 Colluthus 256, 291 Colonna, Camillo 382 Colonna, Francesco 312 Columbus, Jacobus 99 Comenius, Janus (Komenský, Jan Amos) 70, 150, 163

Conley, Thomas 226, 227 Considine, John 430, 431, 435 Constantine VI Porphyrogenitus 361 Cooper, Alix 427, 428, 435 Corcyreus, Nicolaus Petreius 398 Corsaro, Francesco 362 Cortassa, Guido 302, 313, 393, 406 Cortesi, Mariarosa 21, 34 Cothenius, Johannes 71 Coxe, Henry 397, 406 Crasso, Gioviano 325, 326 Crijević, Ilija siehe Cerva, Aelius Lampridius Crijević Tuberon, Ludovik siehe Cervarius Tubero, Ludovicus Crimi, Carmelo 322, 363 Critall, Elizabeth 236 Cru(e)ger siehe Krüger Crusius, Martin 19, 250, 252, 253, 255–258 Csapodiné Gárdonyi, Klára 28, 35 Cuissard, Elodie 12, 140 Culenius, Nicolaus 81 Culpeper, Nicholas 427 Cunitia (Cunitz), Maria 441, 442, 445 Cunitius (Cunitz ). , 186, 187, 215 Czapla, Ralf Georg 80, 103 Czerniatowicz, Janina 87, 103 Dalaenus, Christopher Erici (Dahl, Christofe r Erici) 149 Dalekarlus (Dalecarlius), Israel Petri siehe Petri Dalekarlus (Dalecarlius), Israel D'Alessio Giovan Battista 319, 334 Daley, Brian A. 354, 363, 364 Dall'Asta, Matthias 24, 35 Damian, Theodore 354, 362, 363

index of personal names

Denmark, Peter 237, 240 Dau, Michael 71 Daukša, Mikalojus (Daugsza, Nicolaus) 340, 353, 354, 367 Daukšienė, Ona 369, 370 Dazzi, Andrea 393 De Maio, Romeo 382, Deforge, Bernard 292, . 296 De Meyier, Karel Adrian 265, 295 Demoen, Christopher 354, 364 Demosthenes 43, 219, 228, 235, 342, 371, 405, 417 Denzler, Georg 382, ​​387 Depkin, Hieronymus 48 Deutscher, Thomas B. 235, 236, 4439, 217, 245 Devaris, Matthew 14, 379–390 Devaris, Peter 379, 384 Didbin, Thomas Frognall 312, 313 Dieterich, Johann Conrad 253, 258 Diogenes 159 Dionysius Thrax 31, 347 Dobbin, Anna,99 Dollman; Wilhelm 49 Dolmann, Dorat, Jean 237 Dorez, Leon 262, 296 Dorner, Gerald 24, 35 Dorociak, Wanda 82 Dorre, Heinrich Gustav 51 Drerup, Engelbert 21, 35 Duellius, Raimund 78, 103 Dunte, George 88, 94 Dupuy, Jacques 439, 442–444 Ebendorfer Haselbach, Thomas 31 Egli, John Jacob 61, 103 Ehasalu, Pia 68, 103 Eideneier, Hans 117, 126 Ekedahl, Nils 199, 215 Ekler, Peter 25, 35 Ekström, Gunnar 187, 215 Eleuteri, Paolo 28, 216; 29, 35, 387 Eliasson, Pair 187, 215 Elingius, Laurentius 74, 80

455

Elizabeth of the Palatinate (Princess Elizabeth of Bohemia) 441, 443 Elizabeth I of England 433 Elizabeth of Denmark, Duchess of Mecklenburg 207 Elizabeth of England, Princess (Elizabeth Stuart, daughter of Charles I of England) 423, 425 Elssner, Thomas R 79, 103 Emporagrius, Ericus 87, 180, 183 Enagrius, John 179, 183 Enoch, Elias 171, 180, 183 Epictetus 159, 414, 417 Erasmus of Rotterdam 21, 33, 35, 41, 234, 238, 239, 241 – 243, 347 Erici, Matthias see Arosiander, Matthias Erici Eriksdotter, Catharina 81 Erler, Georg 68, 71, 81, 103 Ermel, Malle 15 Ermolaeva, Elena 379 Ernst, Ulrich 95, 103 Este, Borso d' 308 Estienne, Henri II ( Stephen, Henry) 232, 252, 260–298 Estienne, Robert (Stephanus, Robert) 261, 295, 297, 298 Estreicher, Karol 339, 354 Eugenios 276 Eulalius 361 Eunapios of Sardis 330, 331 Euripides 66, 331, 342, 349 , 392, 417 Eusebius 359, 360 Eustathius of Sebaste 359 Eustathius of Thessalonica 290, 293, 379, 383 Evenius, Sig(is)mund(us) 72, 73, 162, 165, 179 Fa be r, Georg Benedict 95 Fabri, Iohannes 32 Fabricius, Georg 257 Fabricius, Johann Albert 10 Fagin, Giuseppe 181

456

index of personal names

Fant, Eric Michael 10, 72, 74, 80, 103, 130, 132–136, 138–140, 159, 160, 162, 166, 167, 169, 179 Fant, Johan Eric 148, 155 Farge, James K.235 –237, 245, 246 Farnese, Alessandro 382 Fedeli, Paolo 299, 313 Fenske, Lutz 78, 103 Ferdinand I. 395, 405 Ferreri, Luigi 234, 246 Fiaccadori, Gianfranco 30, 35 Filelfo, Francesco 11, 299–317, 393 Flemish , Jean-Marie 13, 91, 103, 106, 231, 232, 234–236, 238–242, 246, 379 Fletcher, H. George 27, 35 Floderus, John 179 Flood, John L. 87, 98; 250, 259 Florentius, John 345, 348, 373 Földesi, Ferenc 28, 35 Fuß, Mirjam M. 152, 155 Fornelius, Laurentius Jonae 74 Förstel, Christian 24, 35 Forteguerra, Scipio (Forteguerri, Scipione) 393 Fortunatianus I.24 Franz 224 Franz I.24. von Frankreich (Francis I) 232, 236–238, 243, 392, 395, 405 Francke, August Hermann 121, 125 Francke, Martin 49 Frederick II. of Denmark 195, 198 Frenzel (Frencelius), Solomon 42 Freyschmidt, Paul 81 Friberg, Axel 186, 215 Frederick, Aggaeus 42, 49, 72 Frederick, Aggaeus, junior 49, 50 Fr iedenthal, Meelis 72, 87, 104, 144, 145; 145; 155, 171, 178, 181 Frischlin, Nicodemus 11, 252 Frisich, Joachim 74, 101 Froben, John 234, 235 Fulgentius 192, 215 Phyrigos, Antonis 20, 35 Gabriel III, Ecumenical Patriarch 116 Galen, Heinrich von g , 3187

Garber, Klaus 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 53–55, 84, 88, 104 Garstein, Oskar 348, 354 Host, Christian 12, 19–22, 24, 25, 31, 32, 35–37 Gaza, Theodor 235, 310, 391 Geanakoplos, Deno 115, 126 Gebauer, Johann David 88 Gebhard, Johannes 97 Gel'd, G. G. 40, 41, 55 Gelsenius ver Gelzenius Gelumbeckaitė, Jolanta 337, 353–355, 366 Gelzenius (Gelsenius) , Sveno Theodorici 74, 135, 142 Georg von Trapezunt (Trapezuntius, Georgius, Georgius) Gerngros, Johann 71 Gerstenberger, Erhard pp. 72, 73, 84, 86, 87, 91, 99, 100, 112, 139, 140, 144–184 Gillingstam, Hans 161, Gim 181, Lisa 423, Glykas 435, Michael 320, 327 Gobom, Nils 185–187, 195, 215 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von Goetschenius, Peter see Götsch, Peter Golius, Jacob 439 Golius, Theophilus 140, 416 Gonzaga, Hieronymus 277 Gonzaga, Maria Louisa, Rainha da Polônia 415 Göransson, Elisabeth 434, 435 Gorgonia, sister of Gregory por Nazi ans 358, 360 Gothus, Laurentius Paulinus 95 Gothus, Matthew 11 Gothus, Petrus Johannis 188, 189, 212 Gotius, John (Gučetić, Ivan) 397, 405 Götsch (Goetschenius), Peter 74, 75, 79, 84, 91 , 101, 142 Gottfried of Strasbourg 312

index of personal names

Gourmont, Gilles de 232–235, 239 Gouvea, André de 237 Grabowski, Hieronymus 345, 346, 372 Gradius, Michael Coelius (Gradić, Miho Celije) 405 Graevius, Johann Georg 442 Grafton, Anthony 30, 37, 392, 406 Graven, 345; 345; 37, 392, George 45, 52 Gray, Jane, Queen of England 433 Gray, Thomas 299 Green, Lawrence D. 225, 227 Gregory of Nazianz 14, 61, 92, 254, 256, 290, 291, 322, 336 –375 , 382, ​​396, 397, 400, 401, 417 Gregory of Nazianz, the Old 358 Gregory of Nissa 340, 360, 362, 364 Gregory XIII (Ugo Boncompagni) 341, 345 Grickevičius, Artūras 338, 3 5543 Grith , s , Gordon 244 Groddeck 322, Wolfram 334 Grederius, John Frederick 439 Grotius, Hugo 439 Grotja(H)n, Johann Heinrich 150, 153, 154 Grzepski, Stanislaus , Giuseppe Antonio 341, etc , Ivan ver Gotius , Ioannes Guillon , Rene 274 –276 , 278 , 279 , 294 Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden 88 , 97 , 160 Gustlaff , Johann 99 Guthrie , Sarah Julia 355 , 358 Haaker , Anthony 12 , 14 . 140, 3 79 Haga, Joar 171, 181 Hakendorff (Hegendorp), Thomas 69 Hakkarainen, Micah 147 Hall, H. Ashley 340, 355 Hammarsköld, Lorenzo 191, 215 Handel, Christoph Christian 80 Hansen, Gotthard de 59, 60, 104 Hansson , Stina , 187 , 189–191 ,

457

Harckman, Eric 170, 172–174, 180, 183 Harlfinger, Dieter 12, 14, 15, 37, 265, 387 Harnack, Adolf 118, 126 Harris, Jonathan 115, 126 Hartfelder, Karl 195, 216 Hasištejnský z Lobkovic, Bohuslav ( Lobkowicz von Hassenstein, Bohuslav) 32 Hasselblatt, Arnold Christian Theodor 146, 156 Hasselgren, Haraldus Jonae 149 Headlam, Walter 11 Hegendorp, Thomas ver Hakendorff, Thomas Hein, Elisabetha 99 Hein, Heinrich 99 Heinsius, Daniel 431, 439 Helk, Vello 59, 73, 104 Helladios, Alexander 116–119, 124, 125 Helmrath, Johannes 11, 15, 60, 104 Hemsing, Rötger 71 Henninius, Henricus Christianus 120, 121, 125 Henrique IV da França 264 Henrietta Maria da Inglaterra 415, 423 Henrique VIII da Inglaterra 236 Henschel, Martinus 99 Heféstion 302 Hermes Trismegisto 176, 414, 417 Hermogenes 218–228 Herodiano 293, 417 Herodotus 43, 140, 325, 417 Herrichen, Johann Gottfried 11, 93 Herwagen, Johann 350 Hesiod 43, 9222 , 319, 320, 364, 371, 391, 417 Hesychius 290, 291 Heussgen, Johann (Joannes Oecolampadius) 33 8 He velius, John 441, 442 Hieron 174 Jerome 31 Jerome, Frank 19, 37 Hier(t)zelius, Henry 168, 170, 172, 175, 180, 183

458

index of personal names

Higman, Francis 242, 246 Hiiemets, Johannes 71, 104 Hilarius 414, 417 Hildebrand, Bertram 49 Hiley, David 153, 156 Himerius 359 Himsel, Gebhard 72, 94 Hinlicky, Paul R. 158, 171, 181 Hinrikus, Indrek 15, 57 Hobing (Hobingk, Hobbing), Johann 60, 68, 78, 84 Hody, Humphrey 393, 407 Hoeschelius (Höschel), David 11, 15 Hoffmann, Friedrich 121 Hoffmann, Samuel F. W. 350, 355 Hofmeister, Adolph 250, 259 Höjer, Georg 80, 81, 97 Hollander, Bernhard 40, 55 Holmudd, Gabriel 147 Holstenius, Ericus 73, 87, 93, 99, 112, 158–161, 170, 172, 180, 183 Holstenius, Gabriel 72, 73, 160–162, 164, 165, 179, 180, 183 Holzberg, Niklas 24, 37 Homero 10, 43, 63, 64, 66, 68, 79, 93, 176, 184, 251, 276, 290, 299–301, 313, 323, 326, 330, 332, 342, 359, 371, 379, 383, 384, 388, 391, 416, 417, 432, 433 Horácio 61, 276, 308, 322 Hörnick (Horniceus), Johann(es) 42, 45, 48, 87 Horrocks, Geoffrey 122, 126 Höschel, David ver Hoeschelius, David Höveln (Hövelius), Johann 42 Hradetzky, Heinrich 146, 156 Hulshoff Pol, Elfried e 265, 295 Fome, Herbert 387 Hunter-Blair, Oswald 355 Huntington, Lucy 423 Hutton, William 140 Huxley, George 359 Huygens, Constantijn 423 Inácio de Antioquia 414, 417, 418 Seu, Johan(nes) 149 Seu, Matthias 149

IJsewijn, Joseph 61, 104 Ikeda, Mayumi 153, 156 Ilsbodinus, George Matthew 135, 136, 142 Inno, Charles 59, 104 Ionescu, Vasile 362 Irineu 417 Irigoin, John 235, 246, 274, 296, 34325,3 Isocrates,3 219, 223, 342, 349, 391, 417 Isopedius, Elias Petri 148 Janson, Jan-Lille 69, 70, 72, 73, 85, 104, 145, 156, 166, 169–172, 180, 181 Jakobson, Roman 299 Jakshin, Ivan 340, 355 James I. 423 Jamot, Frederick 261, 264 Jars du Gournay, Marie 433 Jasnowski, Joseph 343, 355 Jaworski, Piotr 150 Jebb, Richard 11 Jeffrey, Jane E. 435 Jehasse, Jean 260, 296 Jeremiah II of Constantinople 255 Hieronymus 243, 362 Jheringius (divided: Lilliering), Christianus 57, 72, 101, 170, 172, 176, 179, 180, 183, 184 John Chrysostom see Chrysostom (us), John John Paul II. 341, 361 Johnson, 184; Diane L. 79, 104 Jorink, Eric 120, 127 Josephus 384 Jouanna, Arlette 242, 246 Julian the Rebel 359, 368 Jurgelėnaitė, Race 346, 355 Jurginis, Juozas 338, 355 Juvencus 364 Juvenius, Andreas Olai 1 1424. Kaiser, . Christian 30, 37 K agent, Iiro 91, 104 Cashew, Bed 12, 57, 59, 60, 71, 74, 93, 95, 104, 105, 153, 156 Kallendorf, Craig W. 407.

index of personal names

Kannik, Helje-Laine 154 Karamanolis, Georgios 119, 127 Karčiauskienė, M. 338, 355 Karterios 358 Katsoules, Parthenios 116 Kawecka-Gryczowa, Alodia 339, 355 Keckonius, Andrew 133 Kedar-Headstone, Benjamin 283 Kemanpler, 99; 29 Johannes 439 Kerkidas von Megalopolis 331 Kiemmer, Andreas Caroli 150 Kiörling(H), Jonah Petri 74, 112, 136, 137, 142 Kippen, Joachim 52 Kippen . 85 , 88, 105, 153, 156 Kniper, John 71 Knoll, John 42, 51 Kochanowski, Jan 321 Koehler, Ludwig 284, 296 Koehler-Zülch, Ines 202, 216 Kõiv, Lea 59, 105 Kolk, Kaspar 13 , 69, 296; 70 , 105 Komensky, We Don’t Love to See Comenius, Janus Kõpp, John 71, 105 Körbler, Euro 399, 400, 407 Korhonen, Tua 9, 13, 15, 57, 69–72, 74, 75, 80, , 88 , 91 , 98 , 100 , 105 , 106 , 130–141 , , 156, 159, 163, 166, 167, 170, 172, 181 Körling, Jonas Petri v Körling(h), Jonas Petri Kossman, Friedrich Karl Heinrich 415, 435.

459

Kotivuori, Yrjö 146, 147, 150, 157, 179, 182 Kramer, Johannes 21, 37 Krich, August Leopold 146, 152 Kriisa, Kaidi 71 Kristeller, Paul Oskar 393, 407 Kritopoulos, Metrophanes 121 Krüger, Gregor (Crugerus Mesylanus, Gregorius ) 58–68, 70, 74–80, 84, 100, 101, 112 Krüger (Crueger), Johann 45, 48 Krzekotowski, Albert 349, 374 Kühlmann, Wilhelm 24, 37 Kühn, Joachim 45, 49, 52 Kühner, Raphael 270, 296 Kuttner-Homs, Stanislas 299, 313, 314 Kyriaki-Manessi, Daphne I. D. 30, 37 Kyzourová, Ivana 32, 37 Laasonen, Pentti 144, 178, 182 Labadie, Jean de 416 Lacore, Michelle 356, 370 Lactantius 31 Lademacher , Heinrich 45, 48 La Garanderie, Marie-Madeleine de 238, 246 Lagus, Ernst 160, 182 Lagus, Gabriel Josephi 137, 142 Laidre, Margus 59, 106 Lange, Karl Heinrich 249, 251, 258 Langius, Johann Michael (1664– 1731) 117, 122, 125, 126 Lannerus, Jonas 99 Laos, Ülle 97 Lapitheus, Anthonius 238, 240 Lascaris, Janus 237, 379, 383, 386, 387, 392, 393 Låstbom, August Theodor 148, 1551 Laurent, Maxime 393 , 3 1 2, 314 Lauterbach, Georg 42 Lauxtermann, Marc D. 393, 407 Lax, Robert 293, 296 Layton, Evro 27, 30, 37, 391, 394, 407 Le Gall, Jean-Marie 243, 246 Legrand, Émile 10, 379, 387

460

index of personal names

Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm 118 Lelio, Fortunus 341 Lenz, Wilhelm 154, 155 Leo, the Philosopher 325 Leo X 242 Lepajõe, Marju 89, 95, 106 Letalick Rinaldi, Pia 15 Lettinga, Jan S. 283, 296 Leunclavius, Johannes (Lewenklaw, 154). Hans ) 252, 350 Leunis, Jean 345 Lewenklaw, Hans see Leunclavius, John Libanius 235 Likhachev, Nikolay 380, 381 Lilliering, Christianus see Jheringius, Christianus Lindblom, John 192, 216 Lipiński, Edward 283, 296 Livy 190 Lizelius, 58 Ge.org 2 . . . . 381; Lobkowicz von Hassenstein, Domestic slave see Hasistejnsky z Lobkovic, Domestic slave Loder, Johannes 42 Loewe, Busso 30, 37 Löffler, Klemens 339, 356 Lohmann, Dieter 320, 334 Loit, Alexander 58, 106 Lomiento, Liana 275, Reinhard, Anthony Lorich Lossius, Luke 79 Lotman, Pirate 59, 92, 95, 106 Lott, Mare 152, 156 Louis XII 392 Lucian 43, 69, 239, 241, 244, 245, 384, 392 Lučinskienė, M. 352, 353 Lucretius 414 Ludenius , 392; Laurentius 95 Ludwich, Arthur 282, 286, 296 Ludwig, John Justus 81 Ludwig, Walther 9, 11, 1 3 , 15 , 58 , 63 , 79 , 80 , 93 , 106 , 163 , 182 , 249–251 , 257 , 259 Lufft , John 75 ,

Lukaris, Cyril 418 Lukas, Tony 57, 106 Lukinovich, Alessandra 14, 61, 80, 102, 262, 264, 266, 270, 288, 295, 297, 298, 379 Lukšaitė, Ingė 338, 355, 356 M. Lukšienė Lupset, Thomas 236 Luscinius, Ottmar siehe Nachtgall, Ottmar Luštsik, Mary 82 Luther, Martin 192, 203, 206–212, 216, 242, 243, 247, 248, 257 Lūžys, Sigitas 350, 356 Macedo, Anastasius Michael 115 – 129 Macedonius 396 Mack, Peter 219, 227 Macrina 362 Maehler, Herwig 275–277, 297 Maffei, Raffaello (Raphael Volaterranus) 338 Mager, Anna 97 Mager, Christoph 97 Magliabechi, Antonio 442 Mahlstedt, Arnold 100 Maillard, Jean-François; 91, 106, 231, 232, 234–236, 238–242, 246 Maisano, Riccardo 235, 246 Makin, Bathsua 418, 423–426, 433, 434, 437 Makin, Richard 423 Makridis, Vasileios 117, 118, 124, 124; 124; 124, 127 Malacca 320 Malinowski, Gosciwit 12 Maltese, Henry V. 302, 310, 313, 393, 406 Manlius, John 195, 212 Mann, Margaret 244, 246 Manthou, Margarites 116 Manuel II. Palaeologist 20 Manutius , Aldus 39 , 234 , 235 , 235 , 331 , 393 , 394 , 397 Margunius , Maximus 383 Mary of Medici of France 415 Mary Louisa Gonzaga of Poland 415 Marinelli , Lucrezia 433

index of personal names

Markard, Johann Sebastian 88, 97 Mark, P. J. M. 152, 156 Marling, Raili 14, 57 Marsh, David 391, 407 Marsow (Marsau), Georg 42 Martianus Capella 93, 224 Martin, Paul-E. 261, 295 Martini, Matthias 417 Märtl, Claudia 30, 37 Marullo (Marullus) Tarchaniota, Michele 397, 404–406 Mathesius, Johannes 203, 206, 207, 211 Matthaei, Christian Friedrich 69 Matthiae, Salomon 92 Matthias Corvinus 25 Matveev, Andrey Artamonovich 118 Matveev, Artamon Sergeyevich 118 Maximilian II. 257 Maximus der Zyniker 361 McGinness, Frederick J. 340, 356 McGuckin, John Anthony 356, 358, 359 Meijering, Eginhard Peter 340, 356 Meisner, Zacharias 153 Melanchthon, Philip 19, 41, 61 ., Friedrich 145 Menz, Cäsar 260 Merlini , Marco 66, 107 Meschini Pontani, Anna 380, 382–385, 387, 390, 393, 407 Mesylanus siehe Krüger, Gregor Metrou, Meletios 116 Meyer, Philippe 57, 107 Michaelis, J. H. 117 Mihail , Zamfira 118, 127 MilewskaźWaźWaźWaźWaź , Barbara 312, 314 Militzer, Klaus 78, 103 Miller, Julia 152, 156 Miller, Voldemar 152, 156 Mina oglou, Charalampos 13, 118–121, 123, 127

461

Meia-noite, Johann Sebastian 74 Moberg, Olaus 71 Moennig, Ulrich 116, 117, 121, 125, 127, 128 Moller, Arvid(us) 150, 151 Möller, Heinrich 42 Mollerus, Johannes 415, 417, 434 (1744) Möller , Johann Paul 42 Monégier du Sorbier, Marie-Aude 32, 38 Monfasani, John 219-222, 225-227 Montanus, Philippe 239 Montaut, Louis 362 Montin, Jonas Magni 74 Moore, Dorothea 433 Morata, Olympia Fulvia 11, 434 Moreau, Brigitte 242 , 243, 246 Morella, Juliana 442 Moreschini, Claudio 362, 363 Moritz von Sachsen, Elector (Maurício, Eleitor da Saxônia) 257 Moschus 256 Musk, Demetrius 383 Mosellanus, Petrus ver Schade, Peter Mossay, Justin 362 Moulin, Marie du 433 Mühlen, Heinz von zur 57, 107 Mülberg, Georg 68 Müller, Eberhard 88 Müller, Georg 303, 314, 320, 334 Müller, Jacob 74, 101 Mullman, Steffan 185 Muellner, Karl 392, 407 Munthelius, Ericus 72, 170, 175, 177, 179, 180, 183 Murad III 255 Muratore, Davide 381, 382, ​​​​385, 387 Murphy, James J. 225, 227 Musaeus 254, 256 Mustelin, Olof 144, 160, 163, 182 M usuru s, Marcus (Musuro, Marco) 234, 247, 379, 383, 393 Mutzelow, Lucas 193–199, 201, 202, 213 Mitileneios, Seraphim 118

462

index of personal names

Nachtgall (Luscinius), Ottmar 12, 240, 241, 245 Napiersky, Karl Eduard 43, 48, 49, 55, 69, 108 Narbutienė, Daiva 339, 356 Neander, Michael 250–253, 257 Nectarius 361 Nedzinskaitė, 61, 3 553 Nellen, Henk Johannes Maria 439, 441, 446 Neméth, András 32, 37 Nepos, Cornelius 330 Nesselius, Israel 130, 132, 137–139, 142 Neumann, Johann 82 Neumann, Wilhelm 68, 107 Newton, Isaac 439 Nicander 290, 311 Nicephorus 417 Nicetas, Cyrus 347 Nietzsche, Friedrich 322 Nikolaus von Dinkelsbühl 31 Niléhn, ​​​​​​​​​​​Lars 187, 216 Nobelis, Hélène George 12 Nolhac, Pierre de 234, 246 Nöller, Georg Matthias 44–45, 51 Nonna, Mutter von Gregor von Nazianz 358 Nonnus von Panopolis 12, 79, 80, 82, 92, 256, 291, 364 Norrmann, Laurentius 130, 132, 137–139, 142 Notmann, Erich 98, 101 Nottbeck, Eugen von 68, 107 Novacius ( Nowacki), Joannes 339 Novaković, Darko 398, 407 Nuorteva, Jussi 71, 107 Nycopensis, Nicolaus 87 Nyman, Mårten 188, 189, 191, 192, 213 Oco, Adolph 24 Oecolampadius, Joannes siehe Heussgen, Johann Offe ne y, Elias Martin 49 Ofestad, Bernd T. 78, 107 Oksala, Teivas 75, 106, 131, 141 Olai, Laurentius 95

Olai, Peter 187 Olivier, Jean-Marie 32, 38 Olsson, Birger 192, 216 Olufson, Anund 185 Omanius, Ericus Andreae 74 Omont, Henri 234, 246 Oppian 256 Origen 359, 364, 417 Orion, Jana 88, 93, 97, 99, 107, 111 Orfeu 174, 254, 308 Orsini, Fulvio 379 Österling, Carl Gustaf 188–191, 213 Otto, Gustav Adolf Friedrich 146, 156 Ottonis, Justus Fridericus 51 Ottow, Martin 154, 155 Ovid 61, 71, 301, 308, 313 Pac (Pacius), Nicolaus 366 Pacevičius, Arvydas 339, 356 Pade, Marianne 20, 38 Päll, Janika 9–12, 15, 16, 58–61, 66, 68, 69, 71–73, 75, 78 Paris, Louis 443, 446 Parker, Holt N. 433–436 Parry, Milman 287, 296 Pasorus, George 416 Patillon, Michel 221, 227 Patin, Charles 442 Pat in, Gabrielle-Charlotte 442 Paucker, Hugo Richard 61, 108 Paul 358 , 417 Paul der Silentiär 290 Paul, Toomas 78, 108 Paulinus (Lillienstedt), Johan 75, 142 Paulinus, Simon 184

index of personal names

Pausanias 140, 331 Pauw, François 414 Pernot, Laurent 239, 246 Perschmann, Theodor Wilhelm Heinrich 249, 250, 257, 259 Pertusi, Agostino 20, 38 Peter der Große 118 Petina, Larissa 149 Petrarca, Francesco 20, 312, 391 Petri Dalekarlus (Dalecarlius), Israel 185–189, 191–193, 197–200, 202, 210, 211, 213, 217 Pfeiff, Johann Jacob 81 Pfeiffer, Rudolf 319, 334 Phaedrus 210 Pherekydes 176 Philipp von Thessalonich 396 Philitas 300 Philo 384 Philostratus 331 Phocylides 86, 163 Pico della Mirandola 333 Piechnik, Ludwik 342, 356 Pietro da Cortona 277 Piirimäe, Helmut 59, 88, 108 Piirimäe, Pärtel 87, 104 Pilato, Leonzio 235, 391 Pindar 261, 273–279, 287 287 382 Placcenius , Johann David 95–97, 101 Planche, J. 362 Plantin, Christophe (Plantinus, Christopher) 10, 252 Platão 1 67, 175, 176, 231, 235, 236, 283, 328, 329, 416, 433 Plečkaitis , Romanas 338, 356 Plinius 26, 28, 31, 176 Ploumidis, Georgios 116, 128

463

Plutarch 240, 417 Pociūtė-Abukevičienė, Dainora 356, 367 Podbielski, Henryk 221, 227 Polanus, Amandus 78 Põldvee, Aivar 70, 72, 108 Poliziano, Angelo (Politianus, Angelus) 11, 14, 79, 3018, 5, 5– 3 392–394, 397, 404–406 Polus, Timotheus 72, 97 Polybius 417 Pontani, Filippomaria 58, 92, 108, 301, 314, 318, 320, 322, 327, 331, 334, 393, 394, 405, 407 Pontano , Giovanni (Pontanus, John) 404–406 Pontanus, James siehe Spanmüller, Jacob Porphyrius 172 Posselius der Ältere, Johannes 12, 70, 79, 82, 163, 416 Posselius der Jüngere, Johannes 84, 193 Possevino, Antonio 342, 351 228 Pucić, Karlo siehe Puteus, Carolus Purmerus, Johannes Johannis siehe Burgman, Johannes Johannis Puteus, Carolus (Pucić, Karlo) 394, 401 Pitágoras, Ps-Pitágoras 86, 163, 176, 414, 416 Quinon, Guillaume 239, 240 Quintilian 218 –225 Quintus von Smyrna 256, 291 Rabe, Hugo 227 Račkauskas, Jonas Antanas 338, 356 Radvila Juodasis, Mikalojus (Radziwiłł der Schwarze, Nicolaus) 367

464

index of personal names

Radvilaitė, Sofija (Radziwiłł (Dorohostajska), Zofia) 346 Raguenel, Sandrine de 12 Rahlfs, Alfred 281, 297 Rålamb, Per 12 Ramsay, William Mitchell 357, 358 Ramus, Petrus 416, 434 Rastelli, Giovanni Bernardino 341 Recke, Johann Friedrich von 48, 49, 55, 69, 108 Reenpää, Heikki 147 Reginald, Henry 423 Regius, Paulus 219 Rehehausen, Christian 48 Rehermann, Ernst Heinrich 202, 216 Reimo, Tiiu 59, 105, 108, 154 Reuchlin, Johannes 24, 242 Revard, Stella Purce 92, 109 Reverdin, Olivier 260, 297 Rewell, Oskar 147 Reynolds, Leighton Durham 392, 407 Rezander, Petrus 179, 183 Rezar, Vlado 14, 394, 395, 397, 399, 405, 407 Rhein, Stefan 79, 82 , 109, 195, 216 Rhodomanus, Laurentius (Lorenz) 11, 13, 79, 82, 249–259 Richmann (Rickemann), Johann 42, 45, 49 Ricklin, Thomas 30, 37 Ridolfi, Niccolò 381, 382 Rigemann, Gerhard 45 , 52 Ripke, Justus Nicolaus 68, 109 Rist, Johann 97 Rivet, Andreas 430, 434 Rivius, Johann 42, 43, 58 Rix, Helmut 131, 141 Robert, Kyra 152, 154, 156 Robortello, Francesco 277, 31 2, 314 Ročka, Marcelinas 338, 357 Rodoman, Laurentios siehe Rhodomanus, Laurentius Roemers Visscher, Anna 415 Rollo, Antonio 235, 246 Romanos, o Melodista 320 Rossi, Tiziano 20, 38

Rothkirch, Eva 75 Rudbeckius m. Ä., Johannes 160, 186 Rudbeckius d. 38 Russell, Bertrand 299 Sabinus, Aulus (Sabino, Angelo) 304, 313 Sack, Siegfried 257 Sacré, Dirk 61, 104 Saint-Charles, Louis-Jacob de 442, 443 Saladin, Jean-Christophe 10, 16 Salanitro, Giovanni 93, 109 Salanus, J. J. 142 Salanus, N. J. 143 Salemann, Joachim 71, 88 Sallustius, Flavius ​​​​​​​​​​​364 Salmasius, Claudius 418, 427, 430–433, 437, 441–443, 446 Salutati, Coluccio 235, 391 Sambucus , Johannes (Zsámboky , János ) 32, 339 Samson, Hermann 42, 46 Samson, Hermann, junior 46, 47 Sanazzaro, Jacopo 404 Sanchi, Luigi-Alberto 10 Sandström, Josef 147, 149, 155 Sandy, Gerald 392, 407 Safo 61 . , 62 , 101, 312, 314 Schade, Peter (Mosellanus, Peter) 338 Schedel, Hartmann 22 Schefferus, Johannes 185, 213 Scheiding, Philipp von 81 Schirokauer, Arno 209, 216 Schmid, Johann Peter 69

index of personal names

Schmidt, Erasmus 11 Schmidt, Peter 49 Schmidt, Theodor 49–51 Schmitz, Thomas 92, 109, 274, 275, 297 Schneider, Zacharias 70 Schonbergius, Petrus 99 Schotel, Gilles Dionysius Jacob 417, 430, 436 Schott, Johann 241 Schraven, Minou 341, 357 escriba, Fred 260, 297 Schreiner, Peter 30, 38 Schröder, Gerhard 44–46, 48 Schröder, Johan Henrik 148 Schröder, Johann Joachim 117 Schroderus, Ericus 188–190, 214 Schück, Henrik 189, 216 Schwartz, Andreas 74 Schwartzerd, Philipp ver Melanchthon, Philipp Schweder, Gotthard 40–43, 55, 57, 59, 60, 69, 109 Scot, Alexander 416 Segebrecht, Wulf 61, 109 Séguier, Raulin 239, 240 Sêneca, o Jovem 322, 347 , 414 Seybold, Klaus 279, 297 Sforza, Francesco I 308, 310 Shore, Paul J. 25, 38 Sicherl, Martin 24, 27, 33, 38 Sigismundi, M. 86 Silfverstierna, Johan Månsson 81 Silius Italicus 193, 394 Simelidis, Christos 357, 364 Simmias 312 Simon, Theodore 70 Simonides 174, 417 Sirleto, Guglielmo 379, 382, ​​385, 386, 388, 390 Sirones, Erkki 13, 74, 75, 80, 88, 106, 109, 13 1, 141, 159, 160, 379 Šiško, Silvija 45, 55, 69, 88, 109 Sjökvist, Peter 148 Skragge, Gabriel 71 Skrobaczewski, Valentinus 345, 348, 373 Skulth, J. 184

465

Škunca, Stanislav 397, 407 Śledziński, Andrzej 226 Slenczka, Reinhard 19, 38 Slucka-Olelkaitė, Sofija (Olelkowicz Słucka, Zofia) 343 Snell, Bruno 275 – 277, 297 Michael 380 Sophocles 292, 321 Sougdoures, Jacobmüller, Jacob Pontanus, Jacob ) 351 Spanos, Alexios 116 Spatharios, Nicholas 118 Stahl, Heinrich 95–97, 102 Ståhle, Gabriel Henrik 146, 147 Ståhle, Karl Henrik 146, 147 Stalenus, Petrus 184 Staris, Alfreds 41, 55 Steen, Sveno 183 Stefanescu, Nicolae 362 Steinhöwel, Heinrich 209, 210, 216 Steinrück, Martin 14, 57, 79, 97, 109, 292, 302, 314, 318, 320, 325, 329, 331, 334, 335, 379, 385 Stenius, Simon 444, 446 Stephanus, Stephani siehe Estienne Steuchius, Johannes 148, 149 Stevenson, Jane 433, 436 Stiernhielm, Georg 186, 214 Stigel(ius), Johannes 193 Stobaeus, Joannes 349 Stobaeus, Per 149 Storchová, Lucie 60, 110 Stradiņš, Jānis 40, 42 , 55, 57, 59, 110 Stregnensis, Andreas Arvidi 169, 180 Strockis, Mindaugas 93, 1 10, 368 Strozzi, Palla 302 Struborg(ius), Johann 42 Sturm, Johann( es) 226, 312 Suetônio 43 Summers, Kirk M. 78, 110 Sundius, Johannes 98, 99, 159, 180, 183 Swalve, Bernardus 430 Swanberg, O. 75, 88, 143

466

index of personal names

Swedberg, Jesper 190, 214 Sykes, Donald A. 362 Sylvius, John 188, 189, 190, 214 Szendrei, Janka 153, 156 Tabarotti, Arcangela 441 Tacitus 414 Tafenau, Cai 71 Taimiņa, Aija 15, 43, 561, 57, 77 ;, 110 Tambroni, Clotilde 11 Gerberei, Paul 439, 446 Tarski, Alfred 299 Tartas, Jean de 237, 240 Tarvel, Enn 58, 59, 110 Taube, Meta 45, 56 Taube, Wilhelm von 81 Tauriskos 318 Tchentsova, Vera 118, 118; 118; 128 Teague, Frances 423, 436 Terence 188, 191 Tering, Arvo 57, 59, 72, 73, 75, 81, 87, 110, 111, 144, 148, 150, 156 Tessier, Andrea 274, 275, 278, 279; 288, 297 Tetzelerus, Franziscus 70 Theile, Georg 210, 216 Themistios 331 Theocritus 43, 92, 93, 290, 311 Theodoret 417 Theodoros 293 Theodosius 360, 361 Theognis 43, 69, 86, 1634, n 43us,) 16 Andrew Turrian; , Francis 78 Torshell, Samuel 426

Toussain, Jacques ver Tusan, Jacques Trapezuntius, Georgius ver Georg von Trebizond Trautzel, Daniel 188–191, 214 Traversari, Ambrogio 391, 393 Tribbechovius, Johann(es) 121, 126 Triclinius 279 Triphiodorus 270 Trost, Martin 150 Tscherning, Andreas 97 Turilov , Anatolij 340, 357 Turretin, Francis (Turretinus) 78 Turrianus far Torres, Francesco Turunen, Panu 147 Tusan (Toussain), Jacques 235 Tymneus 396 Ulčinaitė, Eugenija 93, 11 Ulrik da Dinamarca, filho do rei Frederik II da Dinamarca 195–198 Undorf, Wolfgang 147 Undusk, Rein 175, 182 Unger, Bernd D. W. 61, 11 Uppendorf, Johann 42 Valens 360 Valerio, Sebastiano 225, 227 Valla, Lorenzo (Laurentius) 391 Valper, Eve 11, 16, 61, 75, 80, 93 Van Dam , Harm-Jan 85, 103 Vanderjagt, Arie Johan 24, 34 Van der Laan, Adrie 24, 38 Van der Palatinate, Elisabeth 433 Van der Stighelen, Katlijne 417, 437 Van Duijn, Mart 265 Van Miert, Dirk 120 , 127 Van Otterlo, Willem Anton Adolf 303, 314, 320, 335 Van Reigersbergh, Maria 439

index of personal names

Van Schurman, Anna Maria 11, 14, 414–447 Van Schurman, Frederik 415 Vasar, Juhan 60, 111 Vastadius, Andreas Caroli 150 Vedenyapina, Nadezhda 149 Vergil siehe Virgil Verginius (Virginius), Adrian 99 Vervliet, Hendrik D. L. 235, 247 Vestring , Heinrich 69 Veteikis, Tomas 14, 111, 336, 357 Vida, Girolamo 395 Viiding, Kristi 71, 87, 93, 97, 99, 100, 107, 111 Vilkuna, Kustaa H. J. 151, 156 Vincelius, Johannes 74 Viole, Jean 237 , 242 Virgil 43, 311, 331 Virginius, Andrew 73, 99, 102 Vitéz, John 28 Vittorino da Feltre 220, 223–225, 228 Vladimirovas, Levas 339, 357 Voetius, Gisbert (Voet, Gijsbert) 416, 418, 434 435 . Heinrich (Henricus) 71, 87 Wachenfeldt, Mathias von 149 Wallenius, Ericus Andreae 149–151 Wallmann, Johann 78, 111 Ward, John 218, 219, 227 Warholm , João H. W. 149, 156 Wechel, Andreas 275 Wechel, Christian 274 Weigel, Johann Adam 71 Weise, Stefan 9, 10, 16, 58, 61, 63, 79, 80, 91, 93, 111

467

Weiss, Roberto 9, 16 Welcker, Friedrich Gottlieb 333 Wellerus, Jacobus 416 Welsch, Elias 49 Welti, Manfred Edwin 225, 227 Wendebourg, Dorothea 19, 38 West, Martin Litchfield 275, 297 Westwater, Lynn Lara 441, 446 Wettstein, Johann Rudolf (Wetstenius, Johannes Rodolfus) 122, 126, 301, 315–317 Widman (Wiedemann), Balthazar 146 Wijström, Carolus Caroli 188, 189, 214 Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Ulrich von 303, 314 Wilchen (Wilikindus, Wilikind, Witekind), Hermann 42 Wilcken, Johann Georg 45 Wilde, Gertrud 49 Wilde, Jakob 42, 49 Wilde, Oscar 331 Wilikind(nós), Hermann ver Wilchen, Hermann Wilson, Nigel Guy 392, 407 Wilson, Walter T. 357, 363 Winckelmann, Johann Joachim 333 Winkler, John J. 333 Winter, Thomas 236, 240 Wiraeus, Magnus Nicolai 134–136, 143 Witekind, Hermann ver Wilchen, Hermann Witte, Henning 42, 93, 251, 258 Witte, Nicholas 46 Wittenberg, Michael 71 Wittram, Reinhard 57 , 111 Wloscius (Wloski), Simon 345, 346, 372 Wolf, Gerhard Philipp 19, 39 Wooten, Cecil W. 221, 227 Wujek, J. 3 67 Wuttke, Dieter 25, 39 Xenofonte 43, 173, 177, 184–217, 332, 342, 405, 417

468

index of personal names

Zabłocki, Stefan 346, 357 Zaleski, Nicolaus 345, 347, 372 Zanders, Ojars 40, 56 Zelchenko, Vsevolod 379 Zenobius 347 Zerdenski, Adam 345, 348, 349, 373 Ziegler, Konrat 303, 314

Zillén, Erik 186, 187, 202, 203, 216 Zimmermann, Matthias 251 Zobel, Hans-Jürgen 283, 297 Zosimas von Ochrid 116 Zsámboky, János siehe Sambucus, Johannes Zsupán, Edina 28

The Morgenstern Society was founded in 1999 with the aim of promoting the study of classical philology and related disciplines – ancient history and philosophy, classical archaeology, medieval and neo-Latin philology, Byzantine studies and the entire heritage and reception of antiquity in Estonia and beyond. Networking of people involved in these areas and expansion of international cooperation. The society is named after Johan Karl Simon Morgenstern (1770-1852), professor of rhetoric, aesthetics, Greek and Latin languages ​​and antiquities at the University of Tartu, founder of classical philology in Tartu.

PUBLISHED VOLUME IN SERIES ACTA SOCIETATIS MORGENSTERNIANAE Vol.1. Twenty years of classical philology in Estonia = Duo saecula philologiae classicae in Estonia. Compiled and edited by Ivo Volt. Tartu: Tartu University Press, 2003. 176, [1] p. ISBN 9985-56-826-5. This volume is dedicated to the 200th anniversary of the establishment of classical philology as an academic discipline at the University of Tartu (1802). Contain Estonian articles with summaries in English or German. The collaborators are Katre Kaju, Inge Kukk, Mait Kõiv, Anne Lill, Maria Kristina Lotman, John Maiste, Janika Pall, Kaarina Rein, Merike Ristikivi, Jaan Unt, Kristi Viiding and Ivo Volt

Vol.2.Byzantine-Nordica 2004: Papers presented at the International Symposium on Byzantine Studies, May 7-11, 2004 in Tartu, Estonia. Edited by Ivo Volt and Janika Pell. Tartu: Tartu University Press, 2005. 196, [4] p. ISBN 9949-11-266-4 The volume is a collection of conference papers. The essays are presented in two sections: the first is for Byzantine studies proper (that is, for essays that discuss the authors, architecture, cultural or political history of Byzantium); the second contains contributions to Byzantine, Patristic or Greek studies in Estonia. Contributions are in English and German. Contributors are Mikhail Bibikov, Markus Bogisch, Ljudmila Dubjeva, Karsten Fledelius, Kalle Kasemaa, Anne Lill, Janika Päll, Karina Rein, Jan Olof Rosenqvist and Torstein Theodor Tollefsen.

Vol.3.Classical Tradition from the 16th Century to Nietzsche. Edited by Janika Päll, Ivo Volt and Martin Steinrück. Tartu: Tartu University Press, 2010. 202, [4]p. ISBN 978-9949-19-618-0. The contributions in this volume are dedicated to the classical tradition and are divided into three sections. The first section focuses on Neo-Latin in the 17th century Baltic region, the second on humanist Greek in the same region and time, while the third is devoted to Friedrich Nietzsche and the classical tradition in philosophy. Contributions are in English and German. Contributors are Katre Kaju, Tua Korhonen, Anne Lill, Janika Päll, Martin Steinrück and Kristi Viiding.

Vols 4-5. Quattuor Lustra: Writings for the 20th Anniversary of the Resumption of Classical Studies at the University of Tartu. Edited by Ivo Volt and Janika Pell. Tartu: Tartu University Press, 2012. 400, [4] p. ISBN 978-9949-32-067-7. The contributions in this volume were compiled on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the reintroduction of classical studies at the University of Tartu (1990). Topics covered range from Hittite and Homeric etymology and lexicography to the social and political situation at the University of Tartu in the 19th century. Articles are available in English, German and Latin. Contributors are Michail Bibikov, Carl Joachim Classen, Hans Helander, Heinz Hofmann, Maarit Kaimio, Otto Kaiser, Mika Kajava, Peter Kuhlmann, Anne Lill, Walther Ludwig, Outi Merisalo, Heinz-Günther Nesselrath, Danny Praet, Jan Puhvel, Paavo Roos , Heikki Solin, Martin Steinrueck, Levente Takacs, Horatio Caesar, Roger Vella, Jürgen von Ungern-Sternberg and Gregor Vogt-Spira.

Information, ordering and/or download links: www.tyk.ee/ASM

FAQs

What is humanism and how was it reflected in ancient Greek culture and arts? ›

Greek Humanism. 1) In the simplest terms, "humanism" refers to how Greek art and literature -- and art and literature in that tradition -- puts the human experience at the center of events, in contrast the Hebrews and Christians put God at that center.

Who is the father of Greek humanistic philosophy? ›

Definition. Socrates of Athens (l. c. 470/469-399 BCE) is among the most famous figures in world history for his contributions to the development of ancient Greek philosophy which provided the foundation for all of Western Philosophy. He is, in fact, known as the "Father of Western Philosophy" for this reason.

Why was Greek and Roman humanism important to the Renaissance? ›

Humanism is the belief that humans and their lives are more important or equal to religious/supernatural things. For the people of the Renaissance, it was based on the belief that the literary, scientific and philosophical works of Ancient Greece and Rome provided the best guides for learning and living.

How is Greek humanism demonstrated in Greek art? ›

Humanism in Greek & Roman Art

On the other hand, Greek & Roman art focuses on humans and how they're the the center of events. They put more of a focus on humans rather than gods and goddesses. In Greek & Roman art, they emphasize the body of man by making them have certain poses and different face expressions.

Why is ancient Greece described as a humanistic culture? ›

"In the simplest terms, 'humanism' refers to how Greek art and literature - and art and literature in that tradition- puts the human experience at the center of events, in contrast the Hebrews and Christians put God at that center" (Early Greek Humanism).

What are the influences of Greek to humanity? ›

The Greeks made important contributions to philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. Literature and theatre was an important aspect of Greek culture and influenced modern drama. The Greeks were known for their sophisticated sculpture and architecture.

What are 3 beliefs of Humanism? ›

Humanists affirm that humans have the freedom to give meaning, value, and purpose to their lives by their own independent thought, free inquiry, and responsible, creative activity.

Who are the two founders of the humanistic approach? ›

The twin fathers of the humanistic approach are Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow. They saw psychoanalysis as being overly negative in its view of the individual, with too great an emphasis on the pathologies present.

Who is known as father of Humanism? ›

Petrarch laid the foundation of Renaissance humanism through his writings and came to be known as the father of Humanism. Petrarch was an Italian poet who was prominent during 1304-1374 CE.

Why is humanism important in European history? ›

The Humanists greatly affected the course of education in Europe. They believed in revolutionizing education and taking away from the classroom that inevitable specter of religion. Humanistic education prizes the creative powers of the individual.

What were the main contribution of humanism? ›

Humanism stresses the importance of human values and dignity. It proposes that people can resolve problems through science and reason. Rather than looking to religious traditions, humanism focuses on helping people live well, achieve personal growth, and make the world a better place.

What is the main idea of humanism? ›

Humanism is defined as an outlook or system of thought concerned with human rather than divine or supernatural matter. A belief or outlook emphasizing common human needs and seeking solely rational way of solving human problem and concerned with mankind as responsible and progressive intellectual beings.

How did Greeks practice humanism? ›

The Greeks were undoubtedly humanists, displaying their humanistic values through government, art and architecture, and philosophy. The Greeks displayed their humanistic values through government by they utilizing an effective system of self governing.

What was an influence of Greek philosophers on humanism? ›

Greek philosophy also had a big impact on humanist ideas and scholars. For example, Michel de Montaigne encouraging thinking outside of societal norms and questioning is extremely similar to Socrates' belief in challenging the government and asking people to really think about life.

How is ancient Greek culture reflected in today's society? ›

There are many greek influences on our culture today. However, these impacts are not very widely known in our modern society. The Greek culture affects our everyday way of life. They created democracy, the alphabet, libraries, the Olympics, math, science, architecture, and even lighthouses.

What are the 4 main beliefs of humanism? ›

Humanists tend to advocate for human rights, free speech, progressive policies, and democracy.

What did humanism mean in early modern Europe? ›

Probably the most widely accepted definition of humanism is that it was the broad educational, literary, and cultural movement involving the studia humanitatis—grammar, rhetoric, poetry, history, and moral philosophy, based on the standard ancient authors in Latin and, to a lesser extent, Greek.

What are three of the most important impacts of the ancient Greek civilization? ›

Ancient Greece helped explain the world through the laws of nature by inventing Western philosophy, democracy, the arts, and through several scientific inventions.

How has Greek philosophy influenced the modern world? ›

Answer and Explanation: The Greeks laid down the foundations of Western Civilization. The belief that knowledge can come from reason is an idea based in the rationalism of Greek philosophy. Reason forms the basis of modern medicine, philosophy, science, and scholarship.

What culture influenced Greek culture? ›

Other cultures and states such as the Frankish states, the Ottoman Empire, the Venetian Republic and Bavarian and Danish monarchies have also left their influence on modern Greek culture, but historians credit the Greek War of Independence with revitalising Greece and giving birth to a single entity of its multi- ...

Do humanists believe in God? ›

Humanists do not believe in a god. They believe it is possible to live a good and fulfilling life without following a traditional religion. They do not follow a holy book either. Instead, Humanists value traits like reason and rely on science to explain the way things are.

Who are the two types of humanists and how are they different? ›

Two common forms of humanism are religious humanism and secular humanism. Humanism, term freely applied to a variety of beliefs, methods, and philosophies that place central emphasis on the human realm.

What are the 5 principles of humanism? ›

SUMMARY
  • Students' learning should be self-directed.
  • Schools should produce students who want and know how to learn.
  • The only form of meaningful evaluation is self-evaluation.
  • Feelings, as well as knowledge, are important in the learning process.
  • Students learn best in a nonthreatening environment.

Who are two well known humanist? ›

  • Joyce Carol Oates.
  • Isaac Asimov.
  • Salman Rushdie.
  • Kurt Vonnegut.
  • Margaret Atwood.
  • Gore Vidal.
Nov 2, 2022

Who is a famous humanist? ›

Many scientists were and are humanists. Some, such as Sir Arthur Keith (1866-1955), Scottish scientist and anthropologist J B S Haldane, Sigmund Freud, Sir Julian Huxley and John Maynard Smith did much in the 20th century to spread understanding of science, of human nature and of evolution.

What are the 3 core components in the humanistic approach? ›

Personal responsibility, freedom of choice, and self-mastery are the essential components of humanistic therapies. In order for humanistic therapies to be meaningful and effective, the client needs to experience a genuine, non-judgmental, and empathic bond with the therapist or counsellor.

What is the most famous humanist theory? ›

The concept of the self is a central focal point for most humanistic psychologists. In the “personal construct” theory of American psychologist George Kelly and the “self-centred” theory of American psychotherapist Carl Rogers, individuals are said to perceive the world according to their own experiences.

Why is it called the father of Humanism? ›

Key Points. Petrarch is traditionally called the “Father of Humanism,” both for his influential philosophical attitudes, found in his numerous personal letters, and his discovery and compilation of classical texts.

Who is the king of Humanism? ›

Of the four, Petrarch was dubbed the "Father of Humanism," as he was the one who first encouraged the study of pagan civilizations and the teaching of classical virtues as a means of preserving Christianity.

What was the effect of humanism in Europe? ›

Humanism transformed education and rejuvenated the world of ideas and art with its discovery, promotion, and adaptation of classical works.

What are the 7 principles of humanism? ›

It then explores what form a genuine humanism might have by presenting seven propositions labeled as: 1) wholeness, 2) comprehensive knowledge, 3) human dignity, 4) development, 5) common good, 6) transcendence, and 7) stewardship-sustainability.

What changes did humanism bring to Europe? ›

The Renaissance included an intellectual movement known as Humanism. Among its many principles, humanism promoted the idea that humans are at the center of their own universe and should embrace human achievements in education, classical arts, literature and science.

Who were the 3 famous Greek philosophers and why were they so important? ›

The Socratic philosophers in ancient Greece were Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle. These are some of the most well-known of all Greek philosophers. Socrates (470/469–399 B.C.E.) is remembered for his teaching methods and for asking thought-provoking questions.

How did Greek influence the Renaissance? ›

There is an enduring romance about ancient Greek and Roman culture that has held sway over Western thought for more than five-hundred years. In Renaissance times, artists used original Greek sculptures (or else Roman copies of original Greek sculptures) as their driving inspiration.

What is the impact of Greek philosophy in the society? ›

Greek philosophy shaped political philosophy, ethics, metaphysics, ontology, logic, biology, rhetoric, and aesthetics. Greek philosophers opened the doors to a particular way of thinking that provided the roots to new methods and traditions to the ancient world.

How have the ancient Greeks influenced modern my life today? ›

The Greeks pretty much invented modern mathematics, sculpture, philosophy, science and even medicine. And they used some of their new knowledge to make inventions like the water wheel, the alarm clock, the catapult and even, the vending machine!

What 5 main contributions did the Greeks make to modern society? ›

7 Things the Ancient Greeks Gave Us
  • Western Philosophy. Socrates. ...
  • Olympics. The Olympic games first began on the island of “Pelops” in the western Peloponnese in 776 BCE. ...
  • Marathon. ...
  • Alarm Clock. ...
  • Umbrellas. ...
  • Cartography (Maps) ...
  • Western Theater (Drama)

What Greek ideas are still important in our modern society? ›

The principles behind the ancient Greeks' democratic system of government are still in use today. The United States and many other countries throughout the modern world have adopted democratic governments to give a voice to their people. Democracy provides citizens the opportunity to elect officials to represent them.

How did humanism reflect in art? ›

Combining scientific knowledge and mathematical study with the aesthetic principles of ideal proportion and beauty, the drawing exemplified Renaissance Humanism, seeing the individual as the center of the natural world, linking the earthly realm, symbolized by the square, to the divine circle, symbolizing oneness.

What is humanism how is it shown in art? ›

Exaltation of the human form: Humanist art tends to present the human body in a state of heightened realism. Muscles, curves, and genitalia are emphasized as creations in God's image.

How did humanism influence the arts? ›

Interest in humanism transformed the artist from an anonymous craftsman to an individual practicing an intellectual pursuit, enabling several to become the first celebrity artists. A growing mercantile class offered artists new patrons that requested novel subjects, notably portraits and scenes from contemporary life.

What is humanism definition? ›

Humanism is a rational philosophy informed by science, inspired by art, and motivated by compassion. Affirming the dignity of each human being, it supports the maximization of individual liberty and opportunity consonant with social and planetary responsibility.

What effect did humanism have on Europe? ›

Humanism looked to antiquity for inspiration in reforming society and had a tremendous impact on all aspects of life in renaissance Italy—and Europe more broadly—from government to the arts. Much of the artistic output of the renaissance was the product of a fruitful dialogue between artists and humanists.

How humanism has changed the world? ›

One major effect was that people began questioning the systems they were living in. Humanists believed people should be educated in classical art, literature, and science. They also believed that God gave humanity great potential and that humans should make the most of it rather than blindly following a religious plan.

How did the ideas of humanism change or influence society? ›

The Renaissance included an intellectual movement known as Humanism. Among its many principles, humanism promoted the idea that humans are at the center of their own universe and should embrace human achievements in education, classical arts, literature and science.

What are the three main ideas of humanism? ›

In the early 21st century, the term generally denotes a focus on human well-being and advocates for human freedom, autonomy, and progress.

Who was the father of humanism? ›

Today, people call Petrarch the “father of humanism” and even the “first modern scholar.” Petrarch's humanism appears in his many poems, letters, essays, and biographies that looked back to ancient pagan Roman times.

What are 3 characteristics of humanism? ›

Humanism is a philosophical tradition based around a belief in human agency, rational thought, naturalism and altruistic morality.

How did humanism change the idea of human nature? ›

Man and earth were wicked, and only heaven and the afterlife were worthy to encompass human thought. Humanism turned this idea completely on its head as scholars, artists, and writers began centering their works on man and his experience while here on earth rather than in the afterlife.

What are characteristics of humanism? ›

Humanists have a scientific but also a sympathetic, generous, and cautiously optimistic understanding of human beings. They believe human beings are material and mortal. We are the product of purposeless physical and biological processes.

Why did humanist believe it was important to study? ›

Humanists believed in the importance of an education in classical literature and the promotion of civic virtue, that is, realising a person's full potential both for their own good and for the good of the society in which they live.

Do humanists believe in god? ›

Humanists do not believe in a god. They believe it is possible to live a good and fulfilling life without following a traditional religion. They do not follow a holy book either. Instead, Humanists value traits like reason and rely on science to explain the way things are.

What are humanists main beliefs? ›

Humanists believe that human beings were not created, but instead evolved naturally. They believe that humans go on evolving, along with the rest of the species on our planet today. Evidence shows how human welfare is heavily dependent on the natural world and on the continued existence of many other species.

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